Yeltsin biography. The first president of Russia, Boris Yeltsin. Married life

Prime Minister:	Ivan Stepanovich Silaev Oleg Ivanovich Lobov (acting) himself Yegor Timurovich Gaidar (acting) Viktor Stepanovich Chernomyrdin Sergei Vladilenovich Kirienko Viktor Stepanovich Chernomyrdin (acting) Evgeniy Maksimovich Primakov Sergei Vadimovich Stepashin Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin
Successor:	Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin
Predecessor:	Nikolai Matveevich Gribachev
Successor:	Ruslan Imranovich Khasbulatov
Predecessor:	Ivan Stepanovich Silaev Oleg Ivanovich Lobov (acting)
Successor:	Egor Timurovich Gaidar (acting) Viktor Stepanovich Chernomyrdin
	CPSU (1961-1990)
Education:	Ural Polytechnic Institute named after. S. M. Kirova
Profession:	Civil Engineer
Birth:	February 1, 1931, p. Butka, Butkinsky district, Ural region, RSFSR, USSR (now Talitsky district of Sverdlovsk region)
Buried:	Novodevichy Cemetery
	Nikolai Ignatievich Yeltsin
	Klavdiya Vasilievna Starygina
	Naina Iosifovna Girina
	Elena Borisovna Okulova Tatyana Borisovna Yumasheva
Autograph:

In the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU

In the Supreme Soviet of the USSR

In the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU

Presidency

Domestic policy

President of the RSFSR

Collapse of the USSR

1991-1992

Political crisis

Termination of the activities of the Supreme Council

October events of 1993

Constitutional reform

Chechen conflict

Resignation

Economic reforms of the 1990s

Demographic situation

Foreign policy

Yeltsin government

Vice President

Heads of government

Foreign Ministers

Ministers of Defense

Yeltsin after resignation

Death and funeral

Boris Yeltsin's assessments

"Yeltsinism"

Personal qualities

Public opinion about Yeltsin

Attitudes towards Yeltsin in the West

Perpetuation of memory

Awards and titles

Books by B. N. Yeltsin

(February 1, 1931, Butka village - April 23, 2007, Moscow) - Soviet party and Russian political and statesman, the first President of Russia. He was elected President twice - on June 12, 1991 and July 3, 1996, and held this position from July 10, 1991 to December 31, 1999.

He went down in history as the first elected President of Russia, one of the organizers of resistance to the actions of the State Emergency Committee, a radical reformer of the socio-political and economic structure of Russia. He is also known for his decisions to ban the CPSU, his policy of abandoning socialism, decisions to dissolve the Supreme Council, suppress the armed resistance of its defenders and storm the House of Soviets of Russia using armored vehicles in 1993, the start of the military campaign in Chechnya in 1994 and its completion in 1996, the re-introduction of troops and the bombing of Chechnya in September 1999, which served as the beginning of the second Chechen military campaign.

Childhood and youth

Born in the village of Butka, Talitsky district, Ural (now Sverdlovsk) region, into a family of dispossessed peasants.

Yeltsin later recalled:

“...The Yeltsin family, as it is written in the description that our village council sent to the security officers in Kazan, rented land in the amount of five hectares. “Before the revolution, his father’s farm was kulak, he had a water mill and a windmill, he had a threshing machine, he had permanent farm laborers, he had up to 12 hectares of crops, he had a self-tying reaper, he had up to five horses, up to four cows...” He had, he had, had... That was his fault - he worked a lot, took on a lot. And the Soviet government loved modest, inconspicuous, low-profile people. She did not like strong, smart, bright people and did not spare them. In 1930, the family was “evicted.” My grandfather was deprived of his civil rights. They imposed an individual agricultural tax. In a word, they put a bayonet to the throat, as best they knew how to do. And the grandfather “went on the run”..."

Yeltsin spent his childhood in the city of Berezniki, Perm Region, where he graduated from school (modern school No. 1 named after A.S. Pushkin). According to his own statement, he did well in his studies, was the head of the class, but had complaints about his behavior and was pugnacious. According to other sources, he did not shine with good grades either at school or at college. He had conflicts with teachers, after the seventh grade he was expelled from school with a “wolf ticket” due to a conflict with the class teacher, however, he achieved (by reaching the city party committee) that he was allowed to enter the eighth grade at another school.

He did not serve in the army due to the absence of two fingers on his left hand, which he lost as a result of a grenade explosion while studying it with hammer blows.

In 1950 he entered the Ural Polytechnic Institute named after. S. M. Kirov to the Faculty of Construction, in 1955 he graduated with the qualification “civil engineer”. Topic of the thesis: “Television tower.” During his student years, he was seriously involved in volleyball, played for the city’s national team, and became a master of sports.

Professional and party activities

• In 1955, he was assigned to the Uraltyazhtrubstroy trust, where in a year he mastered several construction specialties, then worked on the construction of various objects as a foreman, site manager, and chief management engineer. In 1961 he joined the CPSU. In 1963 he was appointed chief engineer, and soon - head of the Sverdlovsk house-building plant.

• In 1963, at the XXIV conference of the party organization of the Kirov district of the city of Sverdlovsk, he was unanimously elected as a delegate to the city conference of the CPSU. At the XXV regional conference he was elected a member of the Kirov district committee of the CPSU and a delegate to the Sverdlovsk regional conference of the CPSU.

In the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU

In 1968, he was transferred to party work in the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU, where he headed the construction department. In 1975, he was elected secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU, responsible for the industrial development of the region.

In 1976, on the recommendation of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, he was elected first secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU (the de facto leader of the Sverdlovsk region), holding this position until 1985. By order of Yeltsin, a twenty-story building of the regional committee of the CPSU was built in Sverdlovsk, the tallest building in the USSR, which received the nickname “White Tooth” and “member of the CPSU” in the city. He organized the construction of a highway connecting Sverdlovsk with the north of the region, as well as the relocation of residents from barracks to new homes. Organized the execution of the Politburo decision on the demolition of the Ipatiev house (the site of the execution of the royal family in 1918), which was not carried out by his predecessor Ya. P. Ryabov, and achieved the adoption of the Politburo decision on the construction of the metro in Sverdlovsk. He significantly improved the food supply of the Sverdlovsk region and intensified the construction of poultry farms and farms. During Yeltsin's leadership, milk coupons were abolished in the region. In 1980, he actively supported the initiative to create the MZhK.

While at party work in Sverdlovsk, Boris Yeltsin received the military rank of colonel.

1978-1989 - Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (member of the Council of the Union). From 1984 to 1985 and from 1986 to 1988 he was a member of the Presidium of the USSR Armed Forces. In addition, in 1981, at the XXVI Congress of the CPSU, he was elected a member of the CPSU Central Committee and served on it until leaving the party in 1990.

In 1985, after the election of M. S. Gorbachev as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, he was transferred to work in Moscow (on the recommendation of E. K. Ligachev), in April he headed the construction department of the CPSU Central Committee, and in June 1985 he was elected secretary of the CPSU Central Committee for construction issues.

In the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU

In December 1985, he was recommended by the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee for the post of first secretary of the Moscow City Committee (MGK) of the CPSU. Having arrived at this position, he fired many senior officials of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU and the first secretaries of district committees. He gained fame thanks to numerous populist steps, such as trips on public transport, inspections of stores and warehouses, widely covered on Moscow television. Organized food fairs in Moscow. In recent months, he began to publicly criticize the party leadership.

At the XXVII Congress of the CPSU in February 1986, he was elected as a candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, and remained in this position until February 18, 1988.

After a series of conflicts with the leadership of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, on October 21, 1987, he spoke quite sharply at the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee (criticized the work style of some members of the Politburo, in particular E.K. Ligachev, the slow pace of “perestroika”, the influence of R.M. Gorbacheva on husband; among other things, he announced the emergence of Gorbachev’s “personality cult”), after which he asked to be relieved of his duties as a candidate member of the Politburo. After this, he was criticized, including by those who previously supported him (for example, the “architect of perestroika” A. N. Yakovlev). After a series of critical speeches, he repented and admitted his mistakes:

The plenum adopted a resolution to consider Yeltsin’s speech “politically erroneous” and invited the Moscow City Committee to consider the issue of re-electing its first secretary. The transcript of Yeltsin's speech was not published in a timely manner, which gave rise to many rumors. Several forged versions of the text appeared in samizdat, much more radical than the original.

On November 9, 1987, he was admitted to the hospital. According to some evidence (for example, the testimony of M. S. Gorbachev, N. I. Ryzhkov and V. I. Vorotnikov) - due to an attempt to commit suicide (or to simulate a suicide attempt) (“case with scissors”).

On November 11, 1987, at the Plenum of the Moscow City Committee, he repented again, admitted his mistakes, but was released from the post of first secretary of the Moscow City Committee. However, he was not completely demoted, but remained in the ranks of the nomenklatura.

On January 14, 1988, he was appointed first deputy chairman of the USSR State Construction Committee - Minister of the USSR.

February 18, 1988 - by decision of the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, he was relieved of his duties as a candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee (but remained a member of the Central Committee).

In the summer of 1988 he became a delegate from Karelia to the XIX All-Union Party Conference. On July 1, he addressed the party conference with a request for “political rehabilitation during his lifetime”:

You know that my speech at the October Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee was recognized as “politically erroneous.” But the questions raised there at the Plenum were repeatedly raised by the press and raised by the communists. These days, all these questions were practically heard from this rostrum, both in the report and in speeches. I believe that my only mistake in my speech was that I spoke at the wrong time - before the 70th anniversary of the October Revolution. I am acutely concerned about what happened and ask the conference to cancel the decision of the Plenum on this issue. If you consider it possible to cancel, you will thereby rehabilitate me in the eyes of the communists. And this is not only personal, it will be in the spirit of perestroika, it will be democratic and, it seems to me, will help it by adding confidence to people.

Election as People's Deputy of the USSR

On March 26, 1989, he was elected People's Deputy of the USSR in national-territorial district No. 1 (Moscow city), receiving 91.53% of the votes of Muscovites, with a turnout of almost 90%. Yeltsin was opposed by ZIL General Director Evgeniy Brakov, supported by the authorities. During the elections at the Congress, Yeltsin did not enter the Supreme Council, but deputy A.I. Kazannik (later appointed Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation by Yeltsin) refused his mandate in favor of Yeltsin. From June 1989 to December 1990 - member of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. He was elected chairman of the USSR Armed Forces Committee on Construction and Architecture, and therefore became a member of the Presidium of the USSR Armed Forces. One of the leaders of the Interregional Deputy Group.

In 1989, a number of scandals occurred: in the summer of 1989, B. N. Yeltsin, invited to the USA, allegedly spoke while drunk - reprint of a publication about this incident from an Italian newspaper La Repubblica in Pravda was perceived as a provocation by the party elite against the “dissident” Yeltsin, led to mass protests and the resignation of the newspaper’s editor-in-chief V. G. Afanasyev. According to Yeltsin himself, the incident is explained by the dose of sleeping pills that Yeltsin drank in the morning, suffering from insomnia. In September 1989, Yeltsin fell from a bridge in the Moscow region. He also got into a car accident: on September 21, the Volga car in which Yeltsin was driving collided with a Zhiguli, Yeltsin received a hip bruise.

On April 25, 1990, during an unofficial visit to Spain, he was in a plane accident, suffered a spinal injury and was operated on. A month after the incident, during the elections of the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, hints appeared in the press that the accident was organized by the KGB of the USSR. It has been suggested that the numerous rumors that arose in connection with this accident influenced the outcome of the elections.

On May 29, 1990, he was elected (on the third attempt, with 535 votes against 467 from the “Kremlin candidate” A.V. Vlasov) Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR. During Yeltsin's chairmanship, the Supreme Council adopted a number of laws that influenced the further development of the country, including, on December 24, 1990, the Law on Property in the RSFSR.

On June 12, 1990, the Congress adopted the Declaration of State Sovereignty of the RSFSR, providing for the priority of Russian laws over union laws. This sharply increased the political weight of the chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, who previously played a secondary, dependent role. The day of June 12 in 1991 became, according to the resolution of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, a state holiday of the Russian Federation.

On July 12, 1990, at the XXVIII, the last congress of the CPSU, Yeltsin criticized the Communist Party and its leader Gorbachev, and announced his resignation from the party.

On February 19, 1991, B. N. Yeltsin, in a televised speech, criticized the policies of the USSR government and for the first time demanded the resignation of M. S. Gorbachev and the transfer of power to the Federation Council, consisting of the leaders of the union republics.

On February 21, 1991, at a meeting of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, a “letter of six” was announced (deputy chairmen of the Supreme Council S.P. Goryacheva and B.M. Isaev, chairmen of both chambers V.B. Isakov and R.G. Abdulatipov and their deputies A A. Veshnyakov and V. G. Syrovatko), which criticized the authoritarian style of B. N. Yeltsin in directing the work of the Supreme Council. R.I. Khasbulatov (first deputy chairman) actively spoke out in his defense and the deputies did not attach much importance to this letter.

Presidency

Domestic policy

President of the RSFSR

On June 12, 1991, he was elected President of the RSFSR, receiving 45,552,041 votes, which amounted to 57.30 percent of those who took part in the vote, and significantly ahead of Nikolai Ivanovich Ryzhkov, who, despite the support of the Union authorities, received only 16.85 percent votes. Together with B.N. Yeltsin, Vice President Alexander Vladimirovich Rutskoy was elected. After his election, the main slogans of B. N. Yeltsin were the fight against the privileges of the nomenclature and the maintenance of Russian sovereignty within the USSR.

These were the first popular presidential elections in Russian history. USSR President Gorbachev was not popularly elected, but was elected as a result of voting at the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR.

On July 10, 1991, B. N. Yeltsin took the oath of allegiance to the people of Russia and the Russian Constitution, and took office as President of the RSFSR. After taking the oath, he gave a keynote speech, which he began energetically and emotionally, with an understanding of the solemnity of the moment.

One of Yeltsin's first presidential decrees concerned the liquidation of party organizations at enterprises. Yeltsin began negotiating the signing of a new union treaty with Mikhail Gorbachev and the heads of other union republics.

Putsch

On August 19, 1991, after the announcement of the creation of the State Emergency Committee and the isolation of Gorbachev in Crimea, Yeltsin led the opposition to the conspirators and turned the House of Soviets of Russia (“White House”) into a center of resistance. Already on the first day of the putsch, Yeltsin, speaking from a tank in front of the White House, called the actions of the State Emergency Committee a coup, then promulgated a number of decrees on the non-recognition of the actions of the State Emergency Committee. On August 23, Yeltsin signed a decree to suspend the activities of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, and on November 6 - to terminate the activities of the CPSU.

After the failure of the putsch and Gorbachev’s return to Moscow, negotiations on a new Union Treaty reached a dead end, and Gorbachev began to finally lose the levers of control, which gradually went to Yeltsin and the heads of other union republics.

Collapse of the USSR

In December 1991, Boris Yeltsin, secretly from USSR President Gorbachev, held negotiations with the President of Ukraine Leonid Makarovich Kravchuk and the head of the Belarusian parliament Stanislav Stanislavovich Shushkevich on the creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States. On December 8, 1991, in Viskuli, the presidents of Ukraine, Belarus and Russia signed the Belovezhskaya Agreement. It was signed in spite of the referendum on the preservation of the USSR, which took place on March 17, 1991. On December 8, an agreement on the creation of the CIS was signed in Minsk, and soon the majority of the union republics joined the Commonwealth, signing the Alma-Ata Declaration on December 21.

According to Yeltsin's opponents, the Belovezhskaya Agreement destroyed the USSR and caused a number of bloody conflicts in the post-Soviet space: Chechnya, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, Transnistria, Nagorno-Karabakh, Tajikistan.

Alexander Lukashenko believes that the most negative consequence of the collapse of the USSR was the formation of a unipolar world.

According to Stanislav Shushkevich, in 1996, Yeltsin said that he regretted signing the Belovezhskaya Agreement.

On December 25, 1991, Boris Yeltsin received full presidential power in Russia in connection with the resignation of USSR President Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev and the actual collapse of the USSR. After the resignation of M. S. Gorbachev, B. N. Yeltsin was given a residence in the Kremlin and the so-called nuclear suitcase.

1991-1992

The economic problems of the early 1990s were compounded by a political crisis. In some regions of Russia, after the collapse of the USSR, separatist sentiments intensified. Thus, in Chechnya they did not recognize the sovereignty of Russia on its territory, in Tatarstan they decided to introduce their own currency and refused to pay taxes to the republican budget. Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin managed to convince the heads of regions to sign the Federative Treaty; on March 31, 1992, it was signed by the President and the heads of regions (except for Tatarstan and Chechnya), and on April 10, it was included in the Constitution of the RSFSR.

In January 1993, an assassination attempt was to be made on Yeltsin. Mentally ill Russian Army Major Ivan Kislov repeatedly tried to kill the president, but was ultimately detained.

Political crisis

On December 10, 1992, the day after the Congress of People's Deputies did not approve the candidacy of Yegor Timurovich Gaidar for the post of Chairman of the Government, B. N. Yeltsin sharply criticized the work of the Congress of People's Deputies and tried to disrupt its work, calling on his supporters to leave the meeting. A political crisis began. After negotiations between Boris Yeltsin, Ruslan Khasbulatov and Valery Zorkin and multi-stage voting, the Congress of People's Deputies on December 12 adopted a resolution to stabilize the constitutional system, and Viktor Stepanovich Chernomyrdin was appointed Chairman of the Government.

After the Eighth Congress of People's Deputies, at which the decree on stabilizing the constitutional system was canceled and decisions were made that undermined the independence of the government and the Central Bank, on March 20, 1993, Boris Yeltsin, speaking on television with an appeal to the people, announced that he had signed a decree on the introduction "special management regime". The next day, the Supreme Council appealed to the Constitutional Court, calling Yeltsin’s appeal “an attack on the constitutional foundations of Russian statehood.” The Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, without yet having a signed decree, recognized Yeltsin’s actions related to the televised address as unconstitutional and found grounds for his removal from office. The Supreme Council convened the IX (Extraordinary) Congress of People's Deputies. However, as it turned out a few days later, in fact, another decree was signed, which did not contain gross violations of the Constitution. On March 28, the Congress attempted to remove Yeltsin from the post of president. Speaking at a rally on Vasilyevsky Spusk, Yeltsin vowed not to implement the decision of the Congress if it was nevertheless adopted. However, only 617 deputies out of 1033 voted for impeachment, with 689 votes required.

The day after the failure of the impeachment attempt, the Congress of People's Deputies scheduled for April 25 an all-Russian referendum on four issues - on confidence in President Yeltsin, on approval of his socio-economic policy, on early presidential elections and on early elections of people's deputies. Boris Yeltsin called on his supporters to vote “all four yes,” while the supporters themselves were inclined to vote “yes-yes-no-yes.” According to the results of the confidence referendum, he received 58.7% of the votes, with 53.0% voting for economic reforms. On the issues of early elections of the president and people’s deputies, 49.5% and 67.2% of those who took part in the voting voted “for”, respectively, however, no legally significant decisions were made on these issues (since, according to the current laws, for this “ more than half of all eligible voters had to speak in favor). The contradictory results of the referendum were interpreted by Yeltsin and his circle in their favor.

After the referendum, Yeltsin focused his efforts on developing and adopting a new Constitution. On April 30, the presidential draft of the Constitution was published in the Izvestia newspaper, on May 18, the start of the work of the Constitutional Conference was announced, and on June 5, the Constitutional Conference met for the first time in Moscow. After the referendum, Yeltsin practically stopped all business contacts with the leadership of the Supreme Council, although for some time he continued to sign some of the laws he adopted, and also lost confidence in Vice-President A.V. Rutsky and relieved him of all assignments, and on September 1, he temporarily removed him from positions on suspicion of corruption, which was subsequently not confirmed.

On the evening of September 21, 1993, Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin, in a televised address to the people, announced that he had signed decree No. 1400, ordering the termination of the activities of the Supreme Council and the Congress of People's Deputies, and to schedule elections for December 11-12 to the newly created representative body of power, the Federal Assembly Russian Federation. The Constitutional Court, which met on the night of September 21-22, found in the decree a violation of a number of articles of the Constitution in force at that time, and established the existence of grounds for removing the president from office. The Supreme Council, by its resolution, announced the termination of Yeltsin’s presidential powers “in connection with a gross violation” of the Constitution, regarding this step as a coup d’etat, and the temporary transfer of powers to Vice President Rutskoi.

The Supreme Council announced the convening of the X (Extraordinary) Congress of People's Deputies on September 22. According to the speaker of the Supreme Council R.I. Khasbulatov, those executive authorities that submitted to Yeltsin detained deputies from the regions and prevented their arrival in other ways. In reality, the Congress was able to open only on the evening of September 23. At the same time, the quorum, which required 689 deputies, was not achieved at the Congress. According to the leadership of the Supreme Council, 639 deputies were present, the presidential side spoke only of 493. Then it was decided to deprive the deputy status of those who did not appear at the White House, after which they announced that a quorum had been reached. After this, the congress adopted a resolution on Yeltsin’s removal from office, in accordance with Articles 6 and 10 of the law “On the President of the RSFSR”. The confrontation between the president and the law enforcement forces loyal to him and supporters of the Supreme Council escalated into armed clashes. On October 3, Yeltsin declared a state of emergency. Supporters of the Supreme Council took control of one of the buildings of the Moscow City Hall on Krasnopresnenskaya embankment and tried to enter one of the buildings of the Ostankino television center. Yeltsin declared a state of emergency and, after consultation with Viktor Chernomyrdin and Defense Minister Pavel Grachev, gave the order to storm the building of the House of Soviets. The storming of the city hall building, the Ostankino television center and the storming of the House of Soviets building with the use of tanks led to numerous casualties (according to official data - 123 dead, 384 wounded) among supporters of the Supreme Council, journalists, law enforcement officers, and random people.

After the dissolution of the Supreme Council, Yeltsin for some time concentrated all power in his hands and made a number of decisions: on the resignation of A.V. Rutsky and the actual abolition of the post of vice president, on the suspension of the activities of the Constitutional Court, on the termination of the activities of Councils at all levels and changes in the system local self-government, on calling elections to the Federation Council and popular vote, as well as by its decrees cancels and changes a number of provisions of existing laws.

In this regard, some well-known lawyers (including the Chairman of the Constitutional Court, Doctor of Law, Prof. V.D. Zorkin), statesmen, political scientists, politicians, journalists (primarily from among Yeltsin’s political opponents) noted that the country has established dictatorship. This is what, for example, the former chairman of the Supreme Council and an active participant in the events (among Yeltsin’s opponents), Prof. R.I. Khasbulatov:

In February 1994, the participants in the events were released in accordance with the State Duma's resolution on amnesty (they all agreed to the amnesty, although they were not convicted).

October events of 1993

From a legal point of view, the events of October 1993 contradicted the Constitution in force at that time. Before these events, serious disagreements arose between the President and the Supreme Council. Back in March 1993, Yeltsin planned to introduce the so-called OPUS (special order of governing the country) in the event that deputies expressed no confidence in the president. However, this was not necessary.

On September 21, Decree 1400 was issued. On the same day, the Constitutional Court declared the decree unconstitutional and the Supreme Council appointed A. V. Rutsky as acting President, but in fact, B. N. Yeltsin continued to serve as President. Since September 22, by order of Yeltsin, the building of the Supreme Council was blocked by the police and cut off from water and electricity. Thus, the deputies found themselves in a state of siege.

The demonstrations of citizens on the streets on October 3-4, which followed the storming of the Moscow mayor's office and the Ostankino television center by Rutskoi's supporters on October 3, were brutally suppressed. In the early morning of October 4, troops were brought into Moscow, followed by shelling of the House of Soviets, and after 5 p.m., the surrender of its defenders. During these events, 123 people died on both sides, according to the investigation, including not a single deputy.

Constitutional reform

On December 12, 1993, elections to the Federation Council and the State Duma took place, as well as a national referendum on the adoption of the draft new Constitution. On December 20, the Russian Central Election Commission announced the results of the referendum: 32.9 million voters voted “for” (58.4% of active voters), 23.4 million voted against (41.6% of active voters). The Constitution was adopted because, in accordance with the decree of President Yeltsin dated October 15, 1993 No. 1633 “On holding a popular vote on the draft Constitution of the Russian Federation” in force during the referendum, an absolute majority of votes is required for the new Constitution to enter into force. Subsequently, there were attempts to challenge the results of this vote in the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, but the Court refused to consider the case, explaining this by the lack of rights to change several fundamental articles of the Constitution.

The new Constitution of the Russian Federation gave the President significant powers, while the powers of the Parliament were significantly reduced. The Constitution, after its publication on December 25 in the Rossiyskaya Gazeta, came into force. On January 11, 1994, both chambers of the Federal Assembly began work, and the constitutional crisis ended.

At the beginning of 1994, Yeltsin initiated the signing of an agreement on social harmony and an agreement on the division of powers with Tatarstan, and then with other subjects of the Federation.

According to O. A. Platonov, Yeltsin and his inner circle in 1993-1994. They also did not rule out the possibility of restoring the monarchy in Russia with the proclamation of the minor (at that time) great-grandson of Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich, Georgiy Mikhailovich, as monarch. If this project were to be implemented, Yeltsin and his associates were assigned the role of a “collective regent” under George; This move was seen by supporters of the idea of ​​​​restoring the monarchy as one of the “legitimate” opportunities to maintain power, “without the risk of elections.”

Chechen conflict

Back in September 1991, Dudayev’s people defeated the Supreme Council of Checheno-Ingushetia in Grozny, the chairman of which was Dokku Zavgaev, a supporter of the State Emergency Committee. The Chairman of the Supreme Council of Russia Ruslan Khasbulatov then sent them a telegram “I was pleased to learn about the resignation of the Armed Forces of the Republic.” After the collapse of the USSR, Dzhokhar Dudayev announced the secession of Chechnya from the Russian Federation and the creation of the Republic of Ichkeria.

And even after this, when Dudayev stopped paying taxes to the general budget and banned employees of the Russian special services from entering the republic, the federal center officially continued to transfer money to Dudayev. In 1993, 140 million rubles were allocated for the Kaliningrad region, and 10.5 billion rubles for Chechnya.

Russian oil continued to flow into Chechnya until 1994. Dudayev did not pay for it, but resold it abroad. Dudayev also got a lot of weapons: 2 missile launchers of the ground forces, 42 tanks, 34 infantry fighting vehicles, 14 armored personnel carriers, 14 lightly armored tractors, 260 aircraft, 57 thousand units of small arms and many other weapons.

Thus, a representative of the Yabloko party in 1999 accused Yeltsin of the fact that there were numerous cases of kidnappings in the Chechen Republic: “He, President Yeltsin, is guilty of the fact that in the year when the entire world community celebrated the 50th anniversary of the Declaration of Human Rights and he, President Yeltsin, declared a year of human rights protection in Russia; in Russia, at the turn of the third millennium, the slave trade was revived, serfdom was revived. I mean those 500 of our guys who were captured and every day this number of prisoners, unfortunately, does not decrease, but increases... It is he, President Yeltsin, who is to blame for the fact that one of my constituents received a call from Chechnya, from Grozny, and offered to ransom their son for 30 thousand dollars, or exchange him for one of the captured Chechens in Russian prisons, convicted Chechens.”

On November 30, 1994, B. N. Yeltsin decided to send troops into Chechnya and signed secret decree No. 2137 “On measures to restore constitutional legality and order in the territory of the Chechen Republic,” the Chechen conflict began.

On December 11, 1994, on the basis of Yeltsin’s decree “On measures to suppress the activities of illegal armed groups on the territory of the Chechen Republic and in the Ossetian-Ingush conflict zone,” the deployment of troops into Chechnya began. Many ill-considered actions led to heavy casualties among both military and civilians: tens of thousands of people were killed and hundreds of thousands were injured. It often happened that during a military operation or shortly before it, an order to clear out came from Moscow. This gave the Chechen fighters the opportunity to regroup their forces. The first assault on Grozny was ill-conceived and led to heavy casualties: over 1,500 people died or went missing, and 100 Russian soldiers were captured.

In June 1995, during the seizure of a hospital and maternity hospital in Budyonnovsk by a detachment of militants led by Sh. Basayev, Yeltsin was in Canada and decided not to stop the trip, giving Chernomyrdin the opportunity to resolve the situation and negotiate with the militants, returning only after all the events were completed , fired the heads of a number of law enforcement agencies and the governor of the Stavropol Territory. In 1995, in the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, the legality of Decrees No. 2137 and No. 1833 (“On the main provisions of the military doctrine of the Russian Federation” in terms of the use of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation in resolving internal conflicts) was challenged by a group of deputies of the State Duma and the Federation Council. According to the Federation Council, the acts it challenged constituted a unified system and led to the unlawful use of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, since their use on the territory of the Russian Federation, as well as other measures prescribed in these acts, are legally possible only within the framework of a state of emergency or martial law. The request emphasizes that these measures resulted in illegal restrictions and massive violations of the constitutional rights and freedoms of citizens. According to a group of deputies of the State Duma, the use of the acts they challenged on the territory of the Chechen Republic, which resulted in significant casualties among the civilian population, contradicts the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the international obligations assumed by the Russian Federation. The Constitutional Court terminated the proceedings on the compliance of Decree No. 2137 with the Constitution of the Russian Federation without considering the merits, since this document was declared invalid on December 11, 1994.

In August 1996, Chechen militants drove federal troops out of Grozny. After this, the Khasavyurt agreements were signed, which are considered by many to be treacherous.

1996 presidential election

By the beginning of 1996, B. N. Yeltsin, due to the failures and mistakes of economic reform and the war in Chechnya, had lost his former popularity, and his rating had dropped significantly (to 3%); however, he decided to run for a second term, which he announced on February 15 in Yekaterinburg (although he had previously repeatedly assured that he would not run for a second term). The main opponent of B. N. Yeltsin was considered the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. A. Zyuganov, who advocated changing the constitutional system, revising economic policy, sharply criticized Yeltsin’s course and had a fairly high rating. During the election campaign, Yeltsin became more active, began to actively travel around the country giving speeches, and visited many regions, including Chechnya. Yeltsin’s election headquarters launched an active campaign and advertising campaign under the slogan “vote or lose,” after which the gap in ratings between Zyuganov and Yeltsin began to rapidly decrease. Shortly before the elections, a number of populist legislative acts were adopted (for example, Yeltsin’s decree on the abolition of conscription into the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation since 2000; this decree was soon changed by Yeltsin in such a way that references to the transition to a contract basis and the timing of the transition disappeared from it ). On May 28, B. N. Yeltsin and V. S. Chernomyrdin held negotiations with the Chechen delegation led by Z. A. Yandarbiev and signed a ceasefire agreement. The election campaign led to the polarization of society, dividing it into supporters of the Soviet system and supporters of the existing system.

A number of journalists, political scientists and historians (including Doctor of Historical Sciences V. A. Nikonov, who was at that time deputy chairman of the “All-Russian Movement to Support B. N. Yeltsin” and headed the press center of B. N.’s election headquarters Yeltsin) believe that the 1996 campaign cannot be called a democratic election, due to the widespread use of “administrative resources” (“to the fullest” - V. Nikonov), repeated exceeding by the election headquarters of B.N. Yeltsin the established limit on the funds spent, falsifications , and also due to the fact that almost all the media, with the exception of a few small-circulation communist newspapers, openly supported B.N. Yeltsin.

According to the results of the first round of voting on June 16, 1996, B. N. Yeltsin received 35.28% of the votes and advanced to the second round of elections, ahead of G. A. Zyuganov, who received 32.03%. A. I. Lebed received 14.52%, and after the first round, B. N. Yeltsin appointed him Secretary of the Security Council and made a number of personnel changes in the Government and law enforcement agencies. In the second round on July 3, 1996, B. N. Yeltsin received 53.82% of the votes, confidently ahead of Zyuganov, who received only 40.31%.

Between the first and second rounds of voting, B. N. Yeltsin was hospitalized with a heart attack, but managed to hide this fact from voters. He did not appear in public, but television showed several previously unaired videos of Yeltsin's meetings, filmed several months earlier, which were intended to demonstrate his “high vitality.” On July 3, Yeltsin appeared at the polling station of the sanatorium in Barvikha. Yeltsin refused to vote at his place of residence on Osennaya Street in Moscow, fearing that he would not be able to withstand the long walk along the street, stairs and corridor of this site.

Second term of President Yeltsin

After the elections, B. N. Yeltsin withdrew from governing the country for a long time due to poor health and did not appear before voters for some time. He appeared in public only at the inauguration ceremony on August 9, which was greatly abbreviated due to Yeltsin's poor health.

Persons who led and financed Yeltsin's election campaign were appointed to senior government positions: Anatoly Chubais became the head of the presidential administration of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Potanin became the first deputy chairman of the government of the Russian Federation, Boris Berezovsky became the deputy secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation.

In August 1996, he authorized the Khasavyurt agreements, and in October he decided to relieve A.I. Lebed from all positions. On November 5, 1996, Yeltsin underwent coronary artery bypass surgery, during which V. S. Chernomyrdin acted as President. B. N. Yeltsin returned to work only at the beginning of 1997.

In 1997, B. N. Yeltsin signed a decree on the denomination of the ruble, held negotiations in Moscow with A. A. Maskhadov and signed an agreement on peace and the basic principles of relations with the Chechen Republic. In March 1998, he announced the resignation of the Chernomyrdin Government and, on the third attempt, under the threat of dissolution of the State Duma, nominated S.V. Kiriyenko. After the economic crisis of August 1998, when, two days after Yeltsin’s decisive statement on television that there would be no devaluation of the ruble, the ruble was devalued and depreciated 4 times, Kiriyenko dismissed the Government and offered to return Chernomyrdin. On August 21, 1998, at a meeting of the State Duma, the majority of deputies (248 out of 450) called on Yeltsin to voluntarily resign; only 32 deputies spoke in his support. In September 1998, with the consent of the State Duma, Boris Yeltsin appointed E. M. Primakov to the post of Chairman of the Government.

In May 1999, the State Duma unsuccessfully tried to raise the question of Yeltsin's removal from office (the five charges formulated by the initiators of impeachment mainly related to Yeltsin's actions during his first term). Before the vote on impeachment, Yeltsin dismissed the Primakov Government, then, with the consent of the State Duma, appointed S.V. Stepashin as Chairman of the Government, but in August dismissed him too, presenting for approval the candidacy of V.V. Putin, little known at that time, and declared him his successor. After the aggravation of the situation in Chechnya, the attack on Dagestan, the explosions of residential buildings in Moscow, Buinaksk and Volgodonsk, B. N. Yeltsin, at the suggestion of V. V. Putin, decided to conduct a series of counter-terrorism operations in Chechnya. Putin's popularity increased, and at the end of 1999, Yeltsin decided to resign, leaving Putin as acting head of state.

Resignation

On December 31, 1999 at 12 noon (which was repeated on the main television channels a few minutes before midnight, before the New Year's televised address), B. N. Yeltsin announced his resignation from the post of President of the Russian Federation:

Yeltsin explained that he was leaving “not for health reasons, but for the totality of all problems,” and asked for forgiveness from Russian citizens.

“Having finished reading the last sentence, he sat motionless for several more minutes, and tears poured down his face,” recalls TV cameraman A. Makarov.

Chairman of the Government V.V. Putin was appointed acting President, who immediately after B.N. Yeltsin’s announcement of his own resignation addressed a New Year’s address to the citizens of Russia. On the same day, V.V. Putin signed a decree guaranteeing Yeltsin protection from prosecution, as well as significant material benefits for him and his family.

Socio-economic policy

Economic reforms of the 1990s

In October 1991, Boris Yeltsin, speaking at the Congress of People's Deputies, announced the beginning of radical economic reforms and until June 1992 he personally headed the Government of the RSFSR that he formed.

One of the first serious economic decisions made by B. N. Yeltsin was a decree on free trade. After the collapse of the USSR, Boris Yeltsin began implementing radical economic reform in the country, often referred to as “shock therapy.” On January 2, 1992, a decree on price liberalization in Russia came into force. However, problems with providing the population with food and consumer goods have been replaced by problems associated with hyperinflation. Citizens' cash savings have depreciated, and prices and exchange rates have increased several times over the past few months; Hyperinflation was stopped only in 1993. Other decrees of Yeltsin initiated voucher privatization and loans-for-shares auctions, which led to the concentration of most of the former state property in the hands of a few people (the so-called “oligarchs”). In addition to hyperinflation, the country was faced with problems such as a decline in production and non-payments. Thus, non-payment of wages, as well as pensions and other social benefits, has become widespread. The country was in a deep economic crisis. Corruption has increased significantly in all echelons of government.

Criticism

During his presidency, Boris Yeltsin was subject to criticism, mainly related to the general negative trends in the country's development in the 1990s: the economic downturn, a sharp decline in living standards, the state's refusal of social obligations, population decline and worsening social problems. Most of these processes were launched back in the late 1980s and were caused by the crisis of the Soviet economic system. At the same time, a number of researchers note that with greater competence of the country’s leadership, even in unfavorable conditions (falling oil prices), such large-scale economic (Russian GDP in 1990-98 decreased by 40%) and social upheavals could have been avoided.

During Yeltsin's presidency (especially in the second half of the 90s), he was often accused of actually transferring the main levers of economic management into the hands of a group of influential entrepreneurs (the so-called oligarchs) and the corrupt top of the state apparatus, and all economic policy came down to lobbying the interests of that or another group of persons depending on their current influence.

On January 2, 1992, the so-called “shock therapy” began and government price regulation was abolished. Opponents of this reform warned before it began that it would lead to large losses in the economy, and that the state was given a major role in the recovery of the US economy (after the Great Depression) and the development of the Japanese economy in the post-war period.

By the end of 1992, the differentiation of residents into rich and poor increased sharply. 44% of the population fell below the poverty line.

By 1996, industrial production had decreased by 50%, agricultural production by a third. The GDP loss was approximately 40%.

The decline in industrial production was uneven. A relatively favorable situation was observed in the fuel and energy complex and ferrous metallurgy. In other words, the more raw material-based the industry was, the smaller the decline in production. The mechanical engineering and high-tech industries were hit the hardest. The volume of light industry production decreased by 90%.

In almost all indicators, there was a reduction of tens, hundreds and even thousands of times:

• combines - 13 times
• tractors - 14 times
• metal-cutting machines - 14 times
• VCRs - 87 times
• tape recorders - 1065 times

There have been significant changes in the structure of industry that are negative. Thus, they were expressed in a significant increase in the share of extractive industries and a decrease in the share of mechanical engineering and light industry.

The share of raw materials in the structure of exports has sharply increased: if in 1990 it was 60%, then in 1995 it increased to 85%. Exports of high-tech products decreased by 7 times.

Agricultural production fell by about a third. If in 1990 the gross grain harvest amounted to 116 million tons, then in 1998 a record low harvest was recorded - less than 48 million tons. The number of cattle fell from 57 million in 1990 to 28 million in 1999, and sheep from 58 to 14 million, respectively.

The budget during Yeltsin's reign was reduced by 13 times. From 25th place in 1990 in terms of living standards, Russia moved to 68th place in 2000.

As a result of privatization carried out in 1992-1994, a significant part of state property passed into the hands of a narrow circle of people, since many did not understand what to do with vouchers. Enterprises of strategic importance were sold at bargain prices: for example, the ZIL plant was sold for $250 million, while its price, according to expert research, was at least a billion dollars.

By 1999, unemployment in Russia stood at 9 million people.

Russia's external debt has increased sharply. In 1998, it amounted to 146.4% of GDP, which was one of the reasons for the default. The default led to the impoverishment of most of the population, loss of public trust in the state, and a drop in living standards. According to experts, the default hit the middle class the hardest.

In 1999, the Duma impeachment commission stated that Yeltsin deliberately pursued policies aimed at worsening the standard of living of citizens, accusing the president of genocide:

The difficult living conditions of the people of Russia and the significant reduction in their numbers were the result of those measures that were implemented since 1992 under the leadership and with the active participation of President Yeltsin... There are serious reasons to believe that the reduction in population was also included in the intention of the president. In an effort to ultimately achieve changes in the country's socio-economic structure and ensure, with the help of the emerging class of private owners, the strengthening of their political power, President Yeltsin consciously went to worsen the living conditions of Russian citizens, inevitably leading to an increase in the mortality rate of the population and a reduction in its birth rate...

At the same time, a member of the commission, deputy from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Viktor Ilyukhin, said: “Yeltsin deliberately did not allow even a minimal improvement in the material condition of the dying peoples of Russia.”

Accusations of destroying the country's defense capabilities

On May 8, 1992, the concept of conversion was revised. In the new edition of the concept, 60% of defense enterprises switched to self-financing. The conversion began to proceed at a very fast pace, as a result of which the state defense order decreased by 5 times from 1991 to 1995.

In 1999, a deputy from the Yabloko faction, A. G. Arbatov, said that since 1992, a sharp reduction in defense spending began, which was not accompanied by transformations in the army in the military-industrial complex. According to Arbatov, before 1997, military reform was a “profanation,” and after the 1998 default, “in real terms, the military budget decreased threefold over the period 1998-1999.” Arbatov said that the blame for this lies with Yeltsin: “in no other area has the President concentrated such enormous powers in his hands as in managing the security forces. And in none of them were the results so disastrous.” At the same time, Arbatov noted that Yeltsin should bear moral, not legal responsibility.

Demographic situation

Since 1992, the demographic situation began to deteriorate sharply. Back in 1991, natural growth was positive; in 1992 it became negative. If in 1992 the natural population decline was 1.5 ppm, then in 1993 it was 5.1 ppm. In 1994, depopulation reached the bottom - 6.1 ppm. The number of people under 15 years of age fell from 24.5% in 1989 to 23% in 1995, people over 65 years of age increased from 18.5 to 20.2%, respectively.

One of the factors behind the population decline was the reduction in social support for the population by the state.

Life expectancy has fallen: from 63 to 56 years for men, from 76 to 70 for women.

Demographic losses (including unborns) amounted to over 10 million people.

The incidence of syphilis increased 25 times (and the incidence in the Far East increased 200 times, among children - 77 times), AIDS - 60 times.

Infant mortality has doubled. The highest infant mortality rate was achieved in 1992 - 19.9 per 1000 children.

The population of the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug and the Magadan Region decreased the most, where the population decline was 35.1% and 26.5%, respectively, in 1991-1994.

Foreign policy

Yeltsin's foreign policy aimed at recognizing Russia as a sovereign state and was aimed, on the one hand, at establishing relations with Western countries and overcoming the consequences of the Cold War, and on the other hand, at building new relations with the former Soviet republics, most of which became members of the CIS.

After the creation of the CIS in 1991, in December 1993 Yeltsin was elected its chairman. During the reign of B. N. Yeltsin, summits of the heads of state of the CIS were held several times a year. In March 1996, Yeltsin, together with the President of Belarus A. G. Lukashenko, the President of Kazakhstan N. A. Nazarbayev and the President of Kyrgyzstan A. A. Akaev, concluded an agreement on deepening economic and humanitarian integration, and in April 1996 - an agreement on the alliance of Russia and Belarus. This association has changed its name and status several times, but has not yet been fully implemented and exists more “on paper.” In the last years of his reign he advocated the creation of a single economic space.

At the end of January 1992, Boris Yeltsin launched disarmament initiatives and announced that from now on the weapons of the former USSR would not be aimed at US cities.

In 1993, while on a visit to Poland, Boris Yeltsin signed a Polish-Russian declaration in which he “sympathized” with Poland’s decision to join NATO. The declaration stated that such a decision does not contradict the interests of Russia. Similar statements were made by Yeltsin in Slovakia and the Czech Republic.

Strobe Talbot, First Deputy Secretary of State of the United States in 1994-2001, a direct participant in the negotiations, pointed out in his memoirs that in his foreign policy “Yeltsin agreed to any concessions, the main thing was to have time between glasses...”. It is B. N. Yeltsin’s passion for alcohol that explains B. Clinton’s success in achieving his political goals. Here's what Talbot writes about this in his book:

Clinton saw Yeltsin as a political leader wholly focused on one big task: driving a stake through the heart of the old Soviet system. Supporting Yeltsin to succeed in this task was, in Clinton's (and my own) eyes, the most important goal, justifying the need to come to terms with many far less noble and sometimes downright stupid things. Moreover, the Clinton-Yeltsin friendship made it possible for the United States to achieve specific, difficult goals that could not be achieved through any other channels: the elimination of nuclear weapons in Ukraine, the withdrawal of Russian troops from the Baltics, obtaining Russian consent to NATO expansion, the involvement Russia's peacekeeping mission in the Balkans.

Yeltsin’s well-known foreign policy steps were also the following:

• Withdrawal of Russian troops from Germany;
• He opposed the bombing of Yugoslavia and threatened to “redirect” Russian missiles to the United States.

Yeltsin government

Vice President

• Rutskoy, Alexander Vladimirovich - from June 1991 to October 1993

Heads of government

• Silaev, Ivan Stepanovich - from June 1990 to September 1991
• Lobov, Oleg Ivanovich - and. O. Chairman from September to November 1991
• from November 1991 to June 1992, President B. N. Yeltsin himself headed the Government
• Gaidar, Egor Timurovich - and. O. Chairman from June to December 1992
• Chernomyrdin, Viktor Stepanovich - from December 1992 to March 1998
• Kirienko, Sergey Vladilenovich - from April to August 1998
• Primakov, Evgeny Maksimovich - from September 1998 to April 1999
• Stepashin, Sergey Vadimovich - from May to August 1999
• Putin, Vladimir Vladimirovich - from August 1999 to May 2000

Foreign Ministers

• Kozyrev, Andrey Vladimirovich - from October 1990 to January 1996
• Primakov, Evgeny Maksimovich - from January 1996 to September 1998
• Ivanov, Igor Sergeevich - from September 1998 to February 2004

Ministers of Defense

• Kobets, Konstantin Ivanovich - from August to September 1991
• Grachev, Pavel Sergeevich - from May 1992 to June 1996
• Rodionov, Igor Nikolaevich - from July 1996 to May 1997
• Sergeev, Igor Dmitrievich - from May 1997 to March 2001

Yeltsin after resignation

Participation in public events

• On January 6, 2000, no longer being President, he led the Russian delegation during a visit to Bethlehem, planned during his reign
• On May 7, 2000, he took part in the inauguration ceremony of the new President V.V. Putin
• In November 2000, he created the Yeltsin Charitable Foundation.
• On June 12, 2001, he was awarded the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, 1st degree.
• In 2003, he was present at the opening of a monument to himself on the territory of one of the Issyk-Kul boarding houses. One of the peaks in the Ala-Too mountains, crowning the Kok-Zhaiyk (Green Glade) mountain gorge in one of the most beautiful places in Kyrgyzstan, is also named after him. After resigning, he visited Lake Issyk-Kul several times with his friend, Kyrgyz President Askar Akayev.
• In 2004, Yeltsin’s name was given to the Kyrgyz-Russian (Slavic) University, the decree on the founding of which Yeltsin signed in 1992.
• September 7, 2005 - while on vacation in Sardinia, he broke his femur. Delivered to Moscow and operated on. On September 17, 2005 he was discharged from the hospital.
• February 1, 2006 - awarded the Church Order of the Holy Blessed Grand Duke Dmitry Donskoy, 1st degree (ROC) in connection with his 75th anniversary.
• On August 22, 2006, Latvian President Vaira Vike-Freiberga awarded Boris Yeltsin the Order of Three Stars, 1st class, “for recognition of Latvia’s independence in 1991, as well as for his contribution to the withdrawal of Russian troops from the Baltic countries and the building of a democratic Russia.” At the award ceremony, Boris Yeltsin said that USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev’s resistance to democratic sentiments in the Baltic states was a “gross mistake.” The award ceremony coincided with the 15th anniversary of the State Emergency Committee. Vike-Freiberga emphasized that Yeltsin was awarded for his decisive actions during the putsch, which allowed Latvia to restore its independence. The Russian communities of Latvia, in turn, made a statement that by agreeing to accept the order, Boris Yeltsin thereby “betrayed the Russian residents of Latvia” and “solidarized with the undemocratic national policy” of the country.
• On December 2, 2006, he appeared in front of the public with his wife and granddaughter Maria at the tennis finals of the Davis Cup, where Russia defeated Argentina.
• March 25 - April 2, 2007 traveled to Jordan to visit holy places. In Jordan, Boris Nikolaevich rested on the Dead Sea, then visited Israel - the place on the Jordan River where, according to legend, Jesus Christ was baptized.

Opinions and assessments of his position in retirement

According to a book published in 2009 by Mikhail Kasyanov, appointed Chairman of the Government by Putin in May 2000, initially, after his resignation, Yeltsin was keenly interested in what was happening, invited ministers to his dacha, asked how things were going; however, Putin soon “politely asked” Kasyanov to arrange for members of the government to stop bothering Yeltsin, citing the fact that doctors do not recommend such meetings; according to Kasyanov, in essence, it was an order: “no one else should go to Yeltsin”; In addition, at the insistence of Putin, in 2006 the format of the celebration of Yeltsin’s 75th anniversary was changed in order to control the contingent of invited persons.

Death and funeral

Boris Yeltsin died on April 23, 2007 at 15:45 Moscow time in the Central Clinical Hospital as a result of cardiac arrest caused by progressive cardiovascular and then multiple organ failure, that is, dysfunction of many internal organs caused by a disease of the cardiovascular system - Sergei Mironov, head of the Medical Center of the Administration of the President of Russia, said in an interview with RIA Novosti. At the same time, in the news television program “Vesti” he reported another cause of the ex-president’s death: “Yeltsin suffered a rather severe catarrhal viral infection (cold), which hit all organs and systems very hard.” Yeltsin was hospitalized 12 days before his death. However, according to cardiac surgeon Renat Akchurin, who performed the operation on the ex-president, “nothing foreshadowed” Yeltsin’s death. At the request of Boris Yeltsin's relatives, an autopsy was not performed.

B. N. Yeltsin was buried in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior, which was open all night from April 24 to 25, so that everyone could say goodbye to the ex-president of Russia. " Someday history will give the deceased an impartial assessment“,” noted Patriarch Alexy II of Moscow, who did not participate in the funeral service and funeral.

Yeltsin was buried on April 25 at the Novodevichy cemetery with military honors. The funeral was broadcast live by all state channels.

Boris Yeltsin's assessments

"Yeltsinism"

The period of Yeltsin’s rule in the assessments of critics of his regime is often referred to as Yeltsinism. Thus, Yu. Prokofiev and V. Maksimenko give the following definition of the concept of “Yeltsinism”:

Personal qualities

Political scientists and the media characterized Yeltsin as a charismatic personality, noted the unusual and unpredictability of his behavior, eccentricity, lust for power, tenacity, and cunning. Opponents argued that Yeltsin was characterized by cruelty, cowardice, rancor, deceit, and a low intellectual and cultural level. It was suggested that Yeltsin was a protege of the West to destroy the USSR. In 2007, journalist Mark Simpson wrote in The Guardian: “A perpetually drunken scoundrel who reduced most of his people to unimaginable poverty while simultaneously enriching his clique fantastically. A president who robbed an entire generation by stealing their pensions, sent living standards into free fall and cut the average life expectancy of Russian men by decades... A man who began his populist career with campaigns against the relatively modest corruption of party functionaries later became the head of the country in an era of such widespread corruption and banditry as has no parallel in history. He not only kowtowed to Western interests, but also presided over the near-final destruction of his country as a political and military force on the world stage. He trampled Russia into the mud so that we wouldn’t have to do it ourselves.”.

On the occasion of Yeltsin’s death, The Times journalist Rod Liddle paid much attention to the former president’s addiction to alcohol in his article: “No one else in Russian history has managed to save the state hundreds of liters of formaldehyde by reliably preserving themselves not just during their lifetime, but also in power.”.

Public opinion about Yeltsin

According to the Public Opinion Foundation, 41% of Russian residents assess Yeltsin’s historical role negatively, and 40% positively (in 2000, immediately after his resignation, this ratio looked more depressing - 67% versus 18%).

According to Levada Center, 67% in 2000 and 70% in 2006 assessed the results of his reign negatively, 15% and 13%, respectively, positively.

As the British magazine The Economist wrote, “Even before he left office, most Russians across the country, from Kaliningrad to Vladivostok, felt nothing but contempt for their president - partly due to galloping inflation, unpaid wages, the plunder of the people's property by the oligarchs, but even more due to humiliation "to which, in their opinion, he subjected the country with his drunken clown antics."

TV polemics noted that “under Yeltsin, a lot of journalists were really killed.”

Attitudes towards Yeltsin in the West

A number of Western politicians and the media have very mixed assessments of Yeltsin's activities. Yeltsin is credited, in particular, with the final destruction of the USSR, the implementation of economic reforms, and the fight against the communist opposition. Yeltsin is blamed, in particular, for the incompetence of his government, the creation of a class of “oligarchs” through the sale of state assets for next to nothing, the war in Chechnya, the rise of corruption and anarchy, the decline in the standard of living of the population and the decline of the economy, as well as the transfer of power to Vladimir Putin, since According to a number of Western sources, Putin's rule is "less democratic" and represents a "return to authoritarianism."

Former US President Bill Clinton believed that Yeltsin “he did a lot to change the world. Thanks to him, the world has changed for the better in many ways.". Clinton gives high marks to Yeltsin's ability to make “certain compromises.” According to Clinton, under Yeltsin “Russia was truly developing democratic pluralism with a free press and an active civil society”. Clinton recalled expressing his doubts about Putin to Yeltsin in 2000: Clinton was not sure that Putin was “as committed to the principles of democracy and willing to adhere to them in the same way as Yeltsin.”

The American newspaper The Wall Street Journal wrote in an editorial: “Yeltsin’s worst enemy was himself. Drunken antics not only undermined his health, but also became symptoms of the incompetence of the Kremlin authorities. In 1992, he briefly embraced the limited market reforms that gave capitalism a bad name in Russia. He created the “oligarchs” through a loan-for-equity scheme (essentially selling off the best assets to “his people” for pennies) and through a bungled privatization that was aggressively pushed through by his advisers, who got rich off of it. He failed to strengthen political institutions and the rule of law. The Chechen war, which began in 1994, was a military and political fiasco. Russia has never, neither before nor since, known such freedom as in Yeltsin’s 1990s.”, Putin, according to the publication, eliminated Yeltsin’s best achievements.

An editorial in The Washington Post said: “This man's contribution to history is controversial, but his steps in defense of freedom will not be erased from human memory. Frequently ill, often appearing tipsy, he [Yeltsin] allowed corruption and anarchy to flourish within government structures and beyond. The Russians felt his stupid antics as a shame. Over the next seven years, Putin reversed most of the liberal reforms that his predecessor had fought for."

Former German Chancellor Helmut Kohl called Yeltsin a “great statesman” and a “faithful friend of the Germans.” German Chancellor Angela Merkel said that Yeltsin “was a great personality in Russian and international politics, a courageous fighter for democracy and a true friend of Germany.”

Journalist Mark Simpson wrote in The Guardian: “If Yeltsin, having successfully overthrown the communist regime, instead of alcoholic chaos and impotence, had built a strong Russia on its ruins, which would defend its own interests and be an influential force on the world stage, his reputation in the West would have been completely different and some of them would have fallen on him those who now glorify him. He would be hated almost as much as... Putin!”.

The editor of The Nation magazine, Katrina vanden Heuvel, disagrees with the idea that Yeltsin's rule was democratic. According to her, “Yeltsin’s anti-democratic policies after August 1991 polarized, poisoned and impoverished this country, laying the foundation for what is happening there today, although responsibility for this rests solely with current Russian President Vladimir Putin.”. Havel believes that the actions of Yeltsin and a small group of his associates to liquidate the USSR “without consultation with parliament” were “neither legal nor democratic.” “Shock therapy”, carried out with the participation of American economists, according to her, led to the fact that the population lost their savings, and about half of Russians found themselves below the poverty line. Havel recalls the shelling of the democratically elected parliament by tanks, which killed and injured hundreds of people. According to her, representatives of the US administration then stated that they “would support these actions of Yeltsin, even if they were of an even more violent nature”. The journalist sharply criticizes the war that started in Chechnya and the 1996 presidential elections (accompanied, according to her, by falsifications and manipulations, and financed by oligarchs who received in return auctions for loans). As Havel summed up, Yeltsin's rule, in the opinion of millions of Russians, put the country on the brink of destruction, and not on the path of democracy. Russia experienced the worst industrial depression in the world in the 20th century. As one of the famous American Sovietologists Peter Reddway wrote in collaboration with Dmitry Glinsky, “for the first time in modern world history, one of the leading industrialized countries with a highly educated society has eliminated the results of several decades of economic development”. Havel believes that during the reforms the American press predominantly distorted the picture of the real situation in Russia.

An editorial in The Guardian on the occasion of Yeltsin's death noted: “But if Yeltsin considered himself the founding father of post-communist Russia, he did not make Thomas Jefferson. The meeting, where the presidents of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus worked on a plan for the collapse of the Union, ended in a drunken quarrel. Russia's democratic dawn lasted only two years until the new president ordered tanks to fire on the same parliament that helped him end Soviet rule. Blood began to be shed in the name of liberal democracy, which offended some Democrats. Yeltsin abandoned government price subsidies as dogma, and as a result, inflation rates soared to 2,000%. It was called “shock therapy,” but there was too much shock and too little therapy. Millions of people found their savings evaporated overnight, while the president's relatives and inner circle amassed huge personal fortunes that they still own to this day. Yeltsin’s market reforms led to a greater decline in industrial production than the invasion of Hitler’s troops in 1941... Yeltsin turned out to be a more effective destroyer of the USSR than a builder of Russian democracy.”.

Family

Boris Yeltsin was married and had two daughters, five grandchildren and three great-grandchildren. Wife - Naina Iosifovna Yeltsina (Girina) (baptized Anastasia). Daughters - Elena Okulova and Tatyana Dyachenko.

Perpetuation of memory

• On April 8, 2008, the main street of the business center of Yekaterinburg City, January 9 Street in Yekaterinburg was renamed Boris Yeltsin Street.
• On April 23, 2008, a solemn opening ceremony of the monument to Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin, made by the famous sculptor Georgy Frangulyan, took place at the Novodevichy Cemetery. The memorial is a wide tombstone made in the colors of the Russian flag - white marble, blue Byzantine mosaic and red porphyry. An Orthodox cross is engraved on the paving stones under the tricolor. The ceremony was attended by the family of Boris Yeltsin, including the widow Naina Iosifovna, Russian President Vladimir Putin, the elected President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev, Prime Minister Viktor Zubkov, head of the Kremlin administration Sergei Sobyanin, members of the government, friends, colleagues and people who worked with the first President of the Russian Federation.
• On April 23, 2008, the Ural State Technical University - UPI was named after Boris Yeltsin.
• On the anniversary of Yeltsin’s death in his native village of Butka, a memorial plaque was installed on the wall of the house built by the father of the first president of Russia and one of the streets was renamed “Yeltsin Street.”
• In May 2009, the Presidential Library named after B. N. Yeltsin was opened in St. Petersburg.
• In the city of Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, the Kyrgyz-Russian (Slavic) University was named after B.N. Yeltsin during his lifetime.
• On February 1, 2011, a monument to Boris Yeltsin, the work of architect Georgy Frangulyan, was opened in Yekaterinburg, near the future presidential center in Demidov Plaza

Unusual incidents from the life of Yeltsin

• During the baptism, the drunken priest who baptized Boris almost drowned him in the font, after which they pumped him out and decided to name him Boris as he was strong enough and tenacious enough.
• Yeltsin himself explained the absence of two fingers on his hand this way: as a high school student, he stole a grenade from an armory and, wanting to find out how it worked, took it to the forest, put it on a stone and hit it with a hammer, forgetting to pull out the fuse, as a result of which injured his hand and was left without two fingers. The plausibility of this explanation was often subject to reasonable doubts, for example, S. G. Kara-Murza, in the book “Soviet Civilization,” wrote: “Perhaps this story should be understood as an allegory. There are too many oddities: it is difficult to saw through the grating while a sentry is walking around the church, grenades are not stored with fuses, a grenade that explodes in the hands tears off not only two fingers, but something else.”
• While studying at the institute, he made a two-month trip around the country, moving on the roofs and steps of carriages, and got into trouble playing “borax” with criminals.
• According to Yeltsin himself, while working as a driver on the BKSM-5 tower crane, he negligently forgot to secure the crane after a working day, at night he discovered that it was moving, climbed into the control cabin and stopped the crane at the risk of his life.
• According to Yeltsin himself, when he worked as a foreman at a construction site, criminals were given his subordination. He refused to close their orders for work not done, after which one of the criminals ambushed him with an ax and demanded to close the orders, threatening to kill him if he refused, to which Yeltsin answered him: “Get out!”, and the criminal had no choice but to throw the ax and follow in the direction indicated by Yeltsin.
• When Yeltsin worked as the first secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU, during a working trip to the region on the eve of November 7, Yeltsin and those accompanying him got lost on the road, broke down the car and could not fix it, walked across the field to the village and there, despite the fact that all the residents the villages were in a drunken state, they found a tractor on which they were able to return to the road, and a telephone in the administrative building, through which Yeltsin contacted the head of the Internal Affairs Directorate and asked to send a helicopter for him in order to catch him at the podium during the festive demonstration in honor of the anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution Revolutions.
• On September 28, 1989, Yeltsin fell into the water from a bridge near the government dacha. According to the stories of his main bodyguard, Korzhakov, Yeltsin told him that unknown people put a bag over his head and threw him off the bridge. However, an official investigation, organized at the initiative of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, did not confirm the fact of the attack. What actually happened is still unknown. For a long time there were rumors about revenge on Yeltsin on the part of the party elite and an attempt to discredit him.
• At the end of 1989, Yeltsin toured the United States with speeches. Reprints from foreign ones appeared in Soviet newspapers that Yeltsin spoke while drunk, and television showed his poorly coordinated movements (which, however, could have been the result of film editing). Yeltsin himself explained his inadequate state by the effect of sleeping pills, which he took to combat stress and insomnia.
• In the spring of 1990, Yeltsin almost died while in Spain. In the small plane in which he flew from Cordoba to Barcelona, ​​the entire power supply system failed. With great difficulty, the pilots landed the plane at an intermediate airfield, and during landing the plane received a strong blow. As a result, one of Yeltsin’s intervertebral discs was crushed, and the fragments pinched the nerve. Spanish doctors performed a complex, many-hour operation, which turned out to be successful, and after three days Yeltsin began to walk. Barcelona residents stood at the hospital doors for hours, brought flowers, and waited for Yeltsin to be taken out for a walk. However, no one from the USSR Embassy or other Soviet organizations visited him.
• According to numerous testimonies of people who worked with Yeltsin, he abused alcohol. When he asked the guards to run for vodka, they went to Korzhakov, who allegedly secretly diluted the vodka and sealed the bottle using a machine that was seized from counterfeit vodka dealers and given to the police museum, and later to Korzhakov. After heart surgery, doctors forbade Yeltsin to drink a lot.
• After drinking alcohol at official receptions during visits, Yeltsin began to behave strangely - in Germany he tried to conduct an orchestra, and on a flight from the USA to Moscow he felt ill and was unable to get off the plane for planned negotiations with the Prime Minister of Ireland at Shannon Airport, which His security service explained it as a “mild illness.”
• Once, when he was president, during an official ceremony he pinched the side of one of the Kremlin stenographers; this episode was shown on television.

Awards and titles

Awards of Russia and the USSR:

• Order of Merit for the Fatherland, 1st class (June 12, 2001) - for a particularly outstanding contribution to the formation and development of Russian statehood
• Order of Lenin (January 1981) - for services to the Communist Party and the Soviet State and in connection with the fiftieth anniversary of his birth
• 2 Orders of the Red Banner of Labor:

In August 1971 - for services to the implementation of the five-year plan

In January 1974 - for the successes achieved in the construction of the first stage of the cold rolling shop at the Verkh-Isetsky Metallurgical Plant

• Order of the Badge of Honor (1966) - for the success achieved in fulfilling the tasks of the seven-year construction plan
• Medal "In memory of the 1000th anniversary of Kazan" (2006)
• Medal “For Valiant Labor. In commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the birth of V.I. Lenin" (November 1969)
• Jubilee medal "Thirty years of Victory in the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945" (April 1975)
• Medal “60 years of the Armed Forces of the USSR” (January 1978)
• VDNKh gold medal (October 1981)

Foreign awards:

• Order of Francis Skaryna (Belarus, December 31, 1999) - for his great personal contribution to the development and strengthening of Belarusian-Russian cooperation
• Order of the Golden Eagle (Kazakhstan, 1997)
• Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise, 1st degree (Ukraine, January 22, 2000) - for significant personal contribution to the development of Ukrainian-Russian cooperation
• Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic decorated with a large ribbon (Italy, 1991)
• Order of Three Stars, 1st class (Latvia, 2006)
• Order of Bethlehem 2000 (Palestinian Authority, 2000)
• Knight Grand Cross of the Legion of Honor (France, ???)
• Order of Good Hope, 1st class (South Africa, 1999)
• Medal of Memory of January 13 (Lithuania, January 9, 1992)
• Grand Cross of the Order of the Cross of Vytis (Lithuania, 10 June 2011, posthumously)
• Order “For Personal Courage” (PMR, October 18, 2001) [

Departmental awards:

• Commemorative medal of A. M. Gorchakov (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia, 1998)
• Golden Olympic Order (IOC, 1993)

Church awards:

• Order of the Holy Blessed Grand Duke Demetrius Donskoy, 1st degree (ROC, 2006)
• Knight of the chain of the Order of the Holy Sepulcher (Jerusalem Orthodox Patriarchate, 2000)

Ranks:

• Honorary citizen of the Sverdlovsk region (2010, posthumously)
• Honorary citizen of Kazan (2005)
• Honorary citizen of the Samara region (2006)
• Honorary Citizen of Yerevan (Armenia) (2002)
• Honorary citizen of Turkmenistan

Books by B. N. Yeltsin

• “Confession on a Given Topic” (Moscow. Publishing house “PIK”, 1990) - a small book in which autobiography, political credo and a story about Yeltsin’s election campaign in the elections of people’s deputies are intertwined.
• “Notes of the President” (1994) - a book written by the current president, it tells about such events of 1990-93 as the presidential elections, the August putsch (GKChP), the collapse of the USSR, the beginning of economic reforms, the constitutional crisis of 1992-93, the events of September 21 - October 4, 1993 (dissolution of the Supreme Council).
• "The President's Marathon" (2000) - a book published shortly after the resignation, it talks about the second presidential election and the second presidential term.

The date of birth of Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin is February 1, 1931. Yeltsin lived a bright and eventful life, and through his political actions had a huge influence on changing the morally outdated Russian foundations. He managed to make even his death an unforgettable event for millions of people, not only in Russia, but throughout the world. It is he who must be thanked for starting work on the formation of such a monumental power as the Russian Federation, which allowed it to occupy a level on par with the most outstanding world countries and proudly maintain the status of a leader. In our article today we will trace the biography of the first president of the Russian Federation.

The influence of family on Yeltsin's early years

In 1931, no one could have imagined that the birth of a boy in a simple peasant family would mark the beginning of a new stage in the development of Russia. Yeltsin's biography during his life was supplemented by many significant moments, each of which influenced the further formation of his personality.

Despite the fact that Boris was born in the village of Butka (Sverdlovsk region, Talitsky district), his childhood years were spent in the Perm region, in Berezniki. Yeltsin's father, Nikolai Ignatievich, came from a kulak family and actively supported the overthrown tsarist government, constantly speaking out with anti-Soviet propaganda, for which he went to prison in 1934, served his sentence and was released. Although the imprisonment was short-lived, Boris was never able to get close to his father. His mother, Claudia Vasilyevna Yeltsina (before Starygin’s marriage), was much closer to him. She, in fact, took on all the family burdens, combining parental duties with the daily work of sewing clothes.

In his youth, Yeltsin actively helped his parents. The father's arrest was a heavy blow to the family's budget. After the communists came to power and mass repressions began in the country, my father, who was in prison at that time, had to work hard. After his release, he remained to work at a local factory, and the family's affairs gradually began to improve. Since Boris turned out to be the eldest in the family, he had to grow up early, taking on some of the worries aimed at earning money and caring for his younger brother and sister.

Despite this, Yeltsin's characterization was far from positive. Starting from an early age, Boris began to show his character. Even during baptism, he managed to slip out of the hands of the priest performing the ceremony and fall into the font. At school, he fought for the rights of his classmates with a teacher who forced the children to resort to physical labor more often than expected, namely plowing their garden, and beat the children for not following orders.

Having entered the period of his youth, Boris got involved in a fight, where his nose was broken by a shaft, but, as it turned out, this was not all the trouble that awaited Yeltsin. Having an ebullient temperament and being a very difficult teenager, he was able to steal a grenade from a nearby military warehouse and decided to study its contents, unable to think of anything better than breaking it with a stone. As a result of such actions, an explosion occurred, in which he lost two fingers on his right hand and acquired another negative experience, because with such an injury he was not allowed to serve in the army.

Studying at the institute and choosing a profession

A turbulent childhood did not prevent me from enrolling in the Faculty of Civil Engineering. The choice fell on the Ural Polytechnic Institute, where Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin acquired his first specialty as a civil engineer, which did not prevent him from subsequently mastering many more blue-collar professions, some of which are noted in his work book. During his youth, he was able to climb the career ladder from a foreman to the head of the Sverdlovsk house-building plant, which characterized him as an extremely purposeful person. Boris met his future wife Naina at the same university. The couple began to communicate closely, and soon after graduation they got married.

During his student years, Boris was actively involved in sports, and in particular volleyball, thanks to which he managed to receive the title of Master of Sports, of which he was very proud.

Married life

Naina Yeltsina (Girina) was born on March 14, 1932 in the village of Titovka (Orenburg region) and lived in a happy marriage with Boris from 1956 to 2007, during which she bore him two daughters - Elena and Tatyana.

Her family was very large (4 brothers and a sister) and deeply religious, so special attention was paid to raising children. The years of Yeltsin’s life were marked by both ups and downs, but throughout her marriage, Naina was always next to her husband, acutely experiencing all his ups and downs, providing her husband with a reliable rear. Even people who did not welcome the activities of Boris Yeltsin always paid tribute to the tact and sincerity of his wife.

At the age of 25, Naina decides to make the first changes in her life, changes her name and, accordingly, her passport. At birth, her parents gave her the name Anastasia, however, when the girl entered the service, the official address “Anastasia Iosifovna” constantly hurt her ears, which she could not and did not want to get used to.

Yeltsin’s rich biography had a certain influence on her. After getting married, she not only did not quit her job, but also continued to improve her professional skills. After graduating from the institute, she received a specialty as a civil engineer and worked until her retirement at the Vodokanalproekt Institute, located in Sverdlovsk. Making her way up the career ladder, she, like her husband, starting from the very bottom, was able to achieve appointment as the head of the institute group.

Awards received:

• International Oliver Award.
• National Prize of Russia "Olympia". Awarded for outstanding achievements of contemporaries in politics, business, science, art and culture.

Active activity

Construction work provided the basis for the complex technique of commanding people that Yeltsin often used as he climbed the career ladder. Years of hard work made significant adjustments to his life. Having become accustomed to frequent drinking of alcohol at a construction site, he treated it as something ordinary. In particular, this was most noticeable in his behavior on vacation. After joining the party, he repeatedly went on vacation to various sanatoriums, where he often entertained party comrades by drinking a glass of vodka like compote. Despite this, since the age of 37, Yeltsin has been involved in party work, receiving the status of head of a department with a subsequent promotion to secretary of the regional party committee.

In his youth, Yeltsin tried to spend the dates of all Russian holidays in Sverdlovsk, arranging informal meetings with workers. He could unexpectedly come to a store, grocery store or enterprise and arrange an unscheduled inspection there, because thanks to his position, he, in fact, became the first head of the largest industrial region of the USSR, gradually gaining the trust of people as a politician who does everything for his people.

Rapid approach to fame

The rapidity with which Yeltsin’s biography changed could not go unnoticed by the then leader of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev, who began to carefully look at the stages of his political career.

While holding the post of first secretary of the regional committee in Sverdlovsk, Boris Yeltsin began to analyze the affairs that his predecessor had handled, and among the papers he discovered an order from 1975, which he never bothered to carry out. It contained instructions to demolish as quickly as possible the house of the merchant Ipatiev, in the basement of which during the revolution organized by the Bolsheviks, seeking to overthrow the royal foundations, the last Russian Tsar Nicholas II and his family were killed. Yeltsin immediately ordered the demolition of the building. His decisive leadership style and diligence did not go unnoticed by higher authorities. Gorbachev issues a decree on his transfer to Moscow, and from that day Yeltsin’s political career begins to rapidly rise. According to the recommendations given by deputy Yegor Ligachev, Yeltsin was appointed to a responsible position - First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU, where he successfully began to restore order among corrupt officials.

It was after his appointment that the black market in Moscow, operating according to a system that had been well-established over the years, began to shake. Spontaneous food fairs began to appear in the city, allowing people to purchase fresh collective farm fruits and vegetables directly from trucks, without any markup.

Daughters' lives

Yeltsin's biography had an indirect impact on the fate of his daughters. They were raised with a clear understanding that family is the most important thing in life. Boris and Naina tried to devote as much time as possible to the children, making sure to celebrate birthdays and the New Year together.

As a result of such upbringing, Yeltsin’s eldest daughter, Elena (married Okulova), repeated the fate of her mother. Devoting all her free time to her family, she tried as much as possible to avoid fame, a certain amount of which was imposed on her by the birth of such a famous person in the family. Yeltsin’s youngest daughter, Tatyana, on the contrary, although she did not achieve such outstanding successes as her father, she followed in his footsteps, leaving her mark on history. She began her career as an employee of the Russian Presidential Administration in 1996, eventually becoming a key adviser to her father. She has been married twice and is raising wonderful children with whom Naina Yeltsina loves to spend time. Unfortunately, one of them, Gleb, was diagnosed with Down syndrome. However, Yeltsin’s character was also reflected in his grandchildren. Even though this is a rather unpleasant disease, Gleb manages to fully enjoy life.

Yeltsin, who was advancing to power in the 90s, had to establish himself as a strong political leader, in the creation of whose image Tatyana played an important role. It is worth noting that her appointment to such a high post caused a lot of controversy at one time, because private entrepreneurs, according to the current legislation, could not hold a political position, but the fact of the appointment remained a fact.

Rebuilding the country after the collapse of the USSR

After his appointment as a candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee in 1986, it was Yeltsin Boris Nikolaevich who began an active fight against the sluggish policy of perestroika, thanks to which he earned himself his first enemies among the members of the Central Committee, under whose pressure Yeltsin’s opinion changed sharply, and he was appointed to the position of First Secretary of the City Committee of the capital. Since 1988, his dissatisfaction with the lack of will of Politburo members has only intensified. Most of all goes to the same Ligachev, who recommended Yeltsin for this position.

In 1989, he successfully managed to combine the position of deputy of the Moscow district and membership in the Supreme Soviet of the USSR until 1990, when he first became a people's deputy of the RSFSR, and then Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, whose position, after parliament approved the declaration of sovereignty of the RSFSR, became in the country more significant. It was during this period that conflictual relations with Mikhail Gorbachev reached their peak, as a result of which he left the CPSU.

Most of the people reacted negatively to the collapse of such a great state as the Soviet Union, completely losing confidence in Gorbachev, which Yeltsin took advantage of. The year 1991 was marked by the fact that the people chose their president for the first time, who became Boris Yeltsin. For the first time, people were able to choose their own leader, because before this the party dealt with these issues, and people were simply informed about the change of leader.

Political activity

The first President Yeltsin immediately after his appointment begins an active purge of the ranks. In August 1991, he arrested Gorbachev in Crimea and put him under house arrest. Then, before the new year 1992, Yeltsin, having agreed with the top officials of Ukraine and Belarus, signed the Belovezhskaya Agreement, as a result of which the CIS appeared.

Yeltsin's reign could not be called calm. It was he who had to actively resist the Supreme Council, which disagreed with its decisions. As a result, disagreements grow to such proportions that Yeltsin is forced to send tanks into Moscow to dissolve parliament.

Despite the fact that he had strong support from the people, one significant mistake negated all his achievements. In 1994, Yeltsin approved the entry of Russian troops into Chechnya. As a result of hostilities, many Russians die, and the people begin to show the first signs of dissatisfaction with the new government.

A few years after these events, Yeltsin decides to run for a second term and overtakes his main communist rival, Zyuganov. However, the election struggle did not pass without a trace for Yeltsin. After his inauguration ceremony, it took him more than a year to regain his health.

Change of power in the country

Yeltsin's reign entered its final stage in the late 90s. As a result of the crisis in Russia and the rapid collapse of the ruble, his rating is falling. Yeltsin decides to take a step unexpected for everyone: he quietly retires, leaving behind a successor in the person of Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin, who guarantees Boris Nikolayevich a calm and quiet old age.

Despite leaving his main position, Yeltsin does not cease to participate in the political life of the country until Putin, by special decree, officially prohibits him from attending such events, worried about his health. However, even such strict precautions could not prevent a sad outcome.

Funny moments from life

Despite the fact that Boris’s life was quite difficult, there were also a lot of positive moments in it. Only he could afford informal communication with the top officials of the countries, while under the influence, which, although considered a lack of tact, was warmly perceived by the majority of European leaders, who had the most positive impressions of Yeltsin. While visiting Germany, he liked the orchestra's performance so much that he tried to conduct it himself. And, of course, one cannot fail to note the unsurpassed playing on spoons. It is noteworthy that this talent would not have fallen into the category of funny moments from the life of Boris Yeltsin if he had not used the heads of his subordinates for the game.

Political figures such as Angela Merkel, George W. Bush, Jacques Chirac, Tony Blair, Bill Clinton forever remembered Yeltsin as a cheerful and cheerful person, thanks to whom Russia finally had a chance to rise from its knees after the collapse of the USSR and the subsequent behind him is a crisis. They were the first to express their condolences to Naina Yeltsina on the day of the funeral.

On April 23, 2008, at the Novodevichy cemetery, sculptor Georgy Frangulyan presented a monument to Boris Yeltsin. The memorial is made in the colors of the Russian flag, under which an Orthodox cross is engraved. The materials used were white marble, sky-colored Byzantine mosaics and red porphyry.

Death and funeral

The years of Yeltsin's life allow us to judge him as a person with great willpower and a thirst for life. Despite the fact that his political activities cannot be assessed unambiguously, it was he who had the honor of putting Russia on the path of improvement.

Yeltsin's death occurred on April 23, 2007, at 15.45, in the Central Clinical Hospital. The cause was cardiac arrest as a result of progressive cardiovascular multiple organ failure, that is, disruption of the functioning of internal organs during a serious heart disease. It is worth noting that throughout his reign, he, as a true leader, was always aimed at victory, even if this required overstepping certain moral or legislative principles. At the same time, the character of this great man remains inexplicable. Striving for absolute power and overcoming many obstacles to achieve this, he voluntarily gives it up, handing over the reins of power to Vladimir Putin, who was not only able to improve the state created by Yeltsin, but also achieved significant progress in all sectors.

Immediately before his hospitalization, Yeltsin suffered from an acute form of a cold, which caused severe damage to his already weak health. Even though he went to the clinic almost two weeks before his death, the best doctors in the country could not do anything. In the last week, he didn’t even get out of bed, and on the tragic day the former head’s heart stopped twice, and the first time the doctors literally pulled him out of the other world, and the second time they couldn’t do anything.

According to the wishes of the relatives, Boris Nikolayevich’s body remained untouched, and the pathologist did not perform an autopsy, however, this did not mitigate the fact that Yeltsin’s funeral became a real tragedy. And this is not only about the loving family, which sincerely experienced his death, but also about the tragedy for the entire Russian people. This day will forever be remembered by the residents of Russia as a day of great mourning, declared by a special decree of the new President of the Russian Federation.

Yeltsin's funeral took place on April 25, 2007. The tragic ceremony was covered by all major Russian television channels, so that those who were unable to come to Moscow to say goodbye to him had the opportunity to at least watch what was happening from the other side of the screen and say goodbye to this outstanding man.

The ceremony was attended by many former and current heads of state. Those who were unable to appear in person expressed their condolences to Yeltsin's loved ones. When the coffin with the body of the former head of state was lowered into the ground, an artillery salute sounded, marking a tribute to the memory of the president, who will always be remembered in Russia.

Material from Wikipedia insurance

Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin - Russian statesman, Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR (1990-1991), first President of the Russian Federation (1991-1999), leader of the democratic movement of the late 1980s and early 1990s, leader of the resistance during the August Putsch (1991 ), one of the initiators of the Belovezhskaya Agreements (1991) on the liquidation of the USSR and the creation of the CIS, the adoption of the Constitution of the Russian Federation (1993).

Yeltsin Boris Nikolaevich and insurance

In the election program

• Introduction of compulsory health insurance (CHI) for the entire population
• Formation of a mechanism for insurance protection of property interests of investors

What has been done in the field of insurance

1991 June 28 Law of the Russian Federation No. 1499-1 “On medical insurance of citizens in the Russian Federation”

1992 November 27 - Law of the Russian Federation No. 4015-1 “On Insurance” was signed, in force since January 4, 1998 under a new name - “On the organization of insurance business in the Russian Federation”

1993 April 9 - Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 439 “On the structure of central bodies of the federal executive power”: Reorganize the State Insurance Supervision of the Russian Federation into the Federal Inspectorate for Supervision of Insurance Activities

1994 April 6 - Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 667 "On compulsory personal insurance of passengers"

1998 January 19 - Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin signed the federal law “On Amendments and Additions to the Law of the Russian Federation “On Insurance”. The document increases the minimum amount of paid authorized capital of insurance companies. For companies concluding contracts not related to life insurance, it is established in the amount of no less than 25 thousand minimum wages, or 2,087,250 rubles; for companies providing life insurance - no less than 35 thousand minimum wages (2,922,150 rubles) and no less than 50 thousand minimum wages (4,174,500 rubles) for reinsurance The law obliges insurers to bring the amount of authorized capital to the specified minimum by January 1, 1999. For those who do not meet this deadline, Gosstrakhnadzor will begin to revoke licenses to carry out insurance activities.

The Civil Code established the insurance contract as an almost universal form of implementation of all types of insurance obligations (with two exceptions provided for in paragraph 1, paragraph 3, Article 968 and paragraph 2, Article 969), which eliminated any grounds for contrasting contractual and mandatory insurance. The rules of the Civil Code on insurance in a subsidiary manner apply to special types of insurance established by separate federal laws, the adoption of which is directly provided for by the Civil Code (clause 2 and clause 3 of Article 927, paragraph 2 of clause 2 of Article 968, clause 2 of Art. 969, art. 970). At present, the issues of marine insurance (Chapter XV of the MLC) and medical insurance have been settled (RF Law of June 28, 1991 N 1499-1 “On medical insurance of citizens in the Russian Federation”).

A unified (complex in legal nature) system of sources of insurance law has been created, albeit in a crude form, which also includes special insurance legislation, which includes:

Law on the organization of insurance business;

Other federal laws adopted for the purpose of regulating relations included in the subject of regulation of the Law on the Organization of Insurance Business

Other legal acts, a number of which lay the foundations for the future regulation of insurance relations at the legislative level, in particular Decrees of the President of the Russian Federation of February 26, 1993 N 282 “On the creation of the International Agency for Insurance of Foreign Investments in the Russian Federation against Non-Commercial Risks” and of April 6 1994 N 667 “On the main directions of state policy in the field of compulsory insurance”, Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of November 22, 1996 N 1387 “On priority measures for the development of the insurance market in the Russian Federation”

Regulatory legal acts issued within their competence by federal executive authorities in cases provided for by this law. Currently, the regulatory and legal regulation of insurance relations is carried out by the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation, and control and supervision of the activities of insurance entities is entrusted to the Federal Insurance Supervision Service. The concentration of insurance supervisory functions in the hands of a special executive body is a factor in strengthening public legal influence in insurance.

Decrees of the Government of the Russian Federation dated April 8, 2004 N 203 “Issues of the Federal Insurance Supervision Service” (SZ RF. 2004. N 15. Art. 1495) and dated June 30, 2004 N 330 “On approval of the Regulations on the Federal Insurance Supervision Service” (SZ RF. 2004. N 28. Art. 2904).

The quality of specific regulatory norms is acquired by the standard rules of the corresponding type of insurance, which is due to the enshrinement in paragraph 1 of Art. 943 of the Civil Code of the General Provision on the emergence of insurance obligations from a contract and the possibility of defining its conditions in such rules. Insurance rules (policy rules) cannot be recognized as a source of insurance law in the proper (strict) sense, since they do not have legal (generally binding) force for the insurer and the policyholder. However, their regulatory significance cannot be denied when their use is directly indicated in the contract (insurance policy) itself and when they are set out in the same document with the contract (insurance policy) or attached to it, which must be certified by a corresponding entry in the contract (clause 2 Article 943 of the Civil Code). At the same time, by agreement of the parties, certain provisions of the rules can be changed, supplemented or excluded (clause 3 of Article 943 of the Civil Code).

Insurance rules are adopted, approved or approved by the insurer or association of insurers in accordance with the Civil Code and the Law on the Organization of Insurance Business, due to which they can be recognized as “a type of objective law as one of the forms of extra-legislative law-making”<1>. The insurance rules contain the essential conditions on which the insurance contract is concluded: on the subjects and objects of insurance, insurance risks and insured events, the procedure for determining the insured amount, insurance premium (insurance contributions), etc. (clause 1 of article 943 of the Civil Code, clause 3 Article 3 of the Law on the Organization of Insurance Business).

<1>Serebrovsky V.I. Selected works on inheritance and insurance law (series "Classics of Russian civil law"). 2nd ed. M., 2003. P. 285.

Certain insurance conditions may be specified by insurers in additional insurance rules, sent by notification to the insurance supervisory authority (Clause 3, Article 32.9 of the Law on the Organization of Insurance Business). Insurance rules, reflecting "business image and financial and entrepreneurial opportunities"<1>professional participants in insurance activities, acquire important practical significance, determining the directions for the development of insurance policy and the possibility of unifying policy conditions for certain areas of insurance. Such rules, by their nature, can be classified as a type of business customs (clause 2 of Article 427 of the Civil Code) and, in conditions of intensive development of the insurance services market, play an increasingly important role.

<1>Shiminova M.Ya. Fundamentals of insurance law in Russia. M., 1993. P. 71.

Biography

Boris Yeltsin was born on February 1, 1931, in the village of Butka, Talitsky district, Sverdlovsk region, into a peasant family. In 1955 he graduated from the Ural Polytechnic Institute (Sverdlovsk); since 1955 he worked in construction organizations, since 1963 chief engineer, head of the Sverdlovsk house-building plant. In 1968-1988 he was at party work: from 1976, first secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional committee. Since 1981 member of the CPSU Central Committee. With the beginning of perestroika, in the wake of the renewal of old personnel, Boris Yeltsin’s career received an unexpected acceleration. In 1985, he headed the construction department of the CPSU Central Committee and became the first secretary of the CPSU Moscow City Committee, and in 1986 a candidate member of the Politburo. As the head of the capital's party organization, Boris Yeltsin became famous as a democrat, nevertheless, Muscovites generally approved of the populist methods of their mayor. At the October plenum of the CPSU Central Committee (1987), Yeltsin criticized the work of the Politburo, the Secretariat of the Central Committee and personally Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev. For this speech he was removed from the post of first secretary and removed from the Politburo. In 1987-1989 he worked as first deputy chairman of the USSR State Construction Committee. The fame of a disgraced politician who suffered “for the truth” helped Yeltsin become the leader of the democratic movement in the late 1980s. In 1989, Boris Yeltsin was elected to the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR (one of the five co-chairs of the Interregional Deputy Group). Having become a member of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, he headed the Committee on Construction and Architecture (A. I. Kazannik gave up his place in the Supreme Council to Yeltsin). In March 1990 he became a people's deputy and chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR. Boris Yeltsin was supported by the Democratic Russia movement and part of the party and economic nomenklatura, dissatisfied with the dictates of the center. Yeltsin’s attempt in 1990 to start economic reforms (the “500 days” program), which matured in the context of a growing systemic crisis, failed. The confrontation between the Union and Russian leadership, aggravated by the poor personal relations between Gorbachev and Yeltsin, did not help resolve the crisis. In the summer of 1990, during the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU, Boris Yeltsin left the party. On June 12, 1991, he was elected President of the Russian Federation in the first round. In August 1991, Yeltsin led the resistance to the anti-democratic putsch of the State Committee for the State of Emergency (GKChP). To a large extent, his decisive actions contributed to the defeat of the putschists. On August 22, 1991, by his decree, he suspended and then banned the activities of the CPSU. In December 1991, together with the leaders of Belarus and Ukraine, he signed the Belovezhskaya Agreements on the creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the dissolution of the USSR. Since 1992, Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin has led economic and political reforms in Russia. The first stage of economic reforms, the so-called “shock therapy,” was carried out by the government of Yegor Timurovich Gaidar (1992). During the liberalization of prices, the market was filled with goods, but at the same time the majority of the population could not take advantage of the benefits of a market economy due to a sharp drop in living standards. Even Yeltsin's support did not save Gaidar's government. And at the end of 1992, as a result of a compromise, Viktor Stepanovich Chernomyrdin became prime minister. But it was he who managed to hold on to this post the longest (until 1998).

Died April 23, 2007
Wife - Naina Iosifovna Yeltsina. Daughters - Elena Okulova and Tatyana Dyachenko. Five grandchildren and three great-grandchildren.

Brief biography of B.N. Yeltsin

The first President of Russia, Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin, was born in February 1931 into a simple peasant family in Siberia.

Having received an education as a civil engineer, he began to build a party career.

For nine years, from 1976 to 1985, he served as first secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU.

From 1985 to 1987 he was the first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU.

Note 1

However, for active criticism of the pace of perestroika, he was removed from this post and removed from candidate membership in the Politburo.

In 1990, Yeltsin was elected people's deputy of the RSFSR, having previously left the Communist Party.

Subsequently, in June 1991, Boris Nikolaevich became the first President of the Russian Federation, and in August 1991 he led the opposition during the putsch. On August 21, 1991, on his initiative, the activities of the Communist Party were prohibited.

Note 2

Among his achievements is the agreement on the creation of the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States) after the collapse of the USSR in December 1991.

Boris Nikolaevich also won the second presidential election in Russian history.

Beginning of B.N.'s presidency Yeltsin

Note 3

First of all, it is worth noting that the country Yeltsin inherited during the perestroika period had many economic and social problems.

The distinctive features of that time were a fall in production and income of the population, an unrealistic increase in inflation, the criminalization of society, as well as a blatant and unlimited redistribution of state property and the country's wealth between newly emerging entrepreneurs.

Example 1

The paradoxical events in the history of Russia of that period are most fully illustrated by the world-famous footage of the storming of Parliament from a CNN live broadcast.

However, his cabinet still managed to cope with some of the problems of the USSR's legacy, such as acute shortages of goods. Also, the government of Boris Yeltsin was able to convince the countries of the former Soviet Union to abandon nuclear weapons.

Chechen campaigns of the 90s

Yet the most difficult and controversial issue of Yeltsin's presidency was the introduction of troops into Chechnya in December 1994. This was preceded by the republic's unilateral declaration of independence from Russia.

Note 4

The introduction of Russian troops marked the beginning of one of the most brutal military campaigns of recent decades, which resulted not only in a huge number of casualties, but also led to an increase in terrorist attacks by Chechens, both in Chechnya itself and in the rest of Russia.

As Yeltsin himself later admitted, this step was a “mistake.” However, later the situation worsened even more, so after the signing of the “Khasavyurt agreements” in 1996, in order to stop military operations in Chechnya, not only the money allocated for the restoration of the region, but also hundreds of people began to disappear.

As a result, Russia was forced to resume military operations after attacks by Chechen units in 1999 on Dagestan villages.

Results of the presidency of B.N. Yeltsin

Note 5

A distinctive feature of B.N. Yeltsin's presidency was not only his election to this post for the first time in Russian history, but also his voluntary resignation six months before the official expiration of power on December 31, 1999.

The resignation was due to the crisis of the last year of Boris Nikolayevich’s reign, when, against the backdrop of surrounding political and economic processes, there was a sharp drop in the population’s trust in the authorities, a change of government officials, as well as a struggle among oligarchic groups among themselves.

When leaving, Yeltsin apologized for failing to fulfill all the promises he made to the people before his election.

Talitsky district, Sverdlovsk region.

His father Nikolai Ignatievich Yeltsin was a builder, mother Klavdiya Vasilievna- a dressmaker. Both of Boris Yeltsin’s grandfathers – Vasily Starygin and Ignatius Yeltsin – were middle peasants and had strong farms. During the period of collectivization they were dispossessed and exiled. In the early 30s, Yeltsin's father and his brother Adrian (he died during the Great Patriotic War) were arrested following a denunciation and received three years in the camps. The children in the family knew nothing about their father’s arrest. For the first time, Boris Yeltsin (already as President of Russia) became acquainted with his “case,” which was kept in the KGB archives, only in 1992. In 1937, shortly after Nikolai Ignatievich Yeltsin was released, the family moved to the Perm region to build the Berezniki potash plant.

Brothers Boris and Mikhail Yeltsin with their parents

Photo:

Having successfully graduated from high school. A. S. Pushkin in Berezniki, B. N. Eltsin entered the construction department of the Ural Polytechnic Institute. S. M. Kirov (now the Ural Federal University - UrFU named after B. N. Yeltsin) in Sverdlovsk with a degree in industrial and civil engineering.

Boris Yeltsin's student notebooks with lecture notes

Archive of the Presidential Center B.N. Yeltsin

While studying, he met his future wife Naina Girina. In 1956, a year after graduation, they got married. The family remained to live in Sverdlovsk (now Yekaterinburg), where Yeltsin worked as a distribution worker in the Uraltyazhtrubstroy trust.

Boris and Naina Yeltsin, 1950s

Archive of the Boris Yeltsin Presidential Center

A certified builder, he should have received the position of foreman. However, before taking it over, Yeltsin preferred to get working professions: he worked alternately as a bricklayer, concrete worker, carpenter, carpenter, glazier, painter, plasterer, crane operator...

In 1957, a daughter, Elena, was born into the Yeltsin family, and three years later, a daughter, Tatyana.

Boris Yeltsin with his daughters Tatyana and Elena

Photo from the family archive/Archive of the Presidential Center B.N. Yeltsin

From 1957 to 1963 – foreman, senior foreman, chief engineer, head of the construction department of the Yuzhgorstroy trust. In 1963, Yeltsin became the chief engineer of the best house-building plant in the field (DSK), and soon became its director.

Professional achievements and organizational talent attracted B.N. Yeltsin received the attention of party organs.

In 1968, Yeltsin was appointed head of the construction department of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU. In 1975, he was elected secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU. In 1976 - first secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU. In 1981, Boris Yeltsin became a member of the CPSU Central Committee.

Years of work as the first secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU placed B.N. Yeltsin among the most promising party leaders. The region's successes have been noted more than once by the Soviet government and the CPSU Central Committee. Boris Yeltsin’s popularity also grew among residents of the region. The years during which he led the region were marked by large-scale housing and industrial construction, construction of roads (including the Yekaterinburg-Serov highway), and intensive development of agriculture.

Boris Yeltsin. In production. Sverdlovsk

Archive of the Presidential Center B.N. Yeltsin

All these years, B.N.’s wife Yeltsina - - worked as a project manager at the Vodokanal design institute.

In 1985, B.N. Yeltsin was invited to work in Moscow, in the central apparatus of the party. Since April 1985, he has been working as the head of the Construction Department of the CPSU Central Committee, and since July of the same year - Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee for construction issues.

By this time, Yeltsin’s daughters had graduated from universities. Elena - Ural Polytechnic Institute with a degree in civil and industrial engineering, Tatyana - Faculty of Computational Mathematics and Cybernetics of Moscow State University. In 1979, the first granddaughter appeared in the Yeltsin family - Elena had a daughter, Katya. And in 1982, Tatyana’s first son was born - the full namesake of his grandfather, Boris Yeltsin. A year later, Elena gave birth to Masha.

In December 1985, B.N. Yeltsin headed the Moscow City Party Committee and in a short time gained enormous popularity in various strata of society. His working style was sharply different from the traditional apparatus command-administrative style to which Muscovites were accustomed during the years of Brezhnev's stagnation. However, the party elite treated the energetic Moscow secretary with caution. Yeltsin faced opposition from old party cadres - in such conditions it was extremely difficult to work effectively in a high position.

In September 1987, Yeltsin sent a letter to the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee M.S. Gorbachev with a request to release him from his post as a candidate member of the Politburo. The letter contained criticism of party orthodoxies, who, according to Yeltsin, were slowing down the perestroika begun by Gorbachev. However, Gorbachev did not respond to the letter. In this situation, Yeltsin decided to make a statement at the October (1987) plenum of the CPSU Central Committee. During this speech, he essentially repeated the main points set out in his letter to Gorbachev. The reaction to the harsh speech at that time was unambiguous: party functionaries subjected him to severe criticism, the position of B.N. Yeltsin and his assessments were “politically erroneous.” The result of the discussion was a recommendation to the next plenum of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU to consider the feasibility of B.N.’s stay. Yeltsin as First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee.

In November 1987, B.N. Yeltsin was relieved of his post as first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU, and in February 1988 he was removed from the list of candidates for membership in the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee and appointed first deputy chairman of the USSR State Construction Committee. He worked in this position until mid-1989. “I won’t let you into politics anymore,” Gorbachev told him.

In 1988, Yeltsin spoke at the 19th Party Conference with a request for “political rehabilitation,” but again did not meet with support from the leadership of the CPSU.

Opala B.N. Yeltsin, unexpectedly for the country's leadership, led to an increase in his popularity. Yeltsin’s speech at the October Plenum was not published, but numerous versions of it circulated in samizdat, most of which had nothing in common with the original.

In 1989 B.N. Yeltsin participates in the elections of people's deputies of the USSR. He is running in Moscow and receives 91.5% of the vote. At the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR (May–June 1989), he became a member of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and at the same time co-chairman of the opposition Interregional Deputy Group (MDG).

In May 1990, at a meeting of the First Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, Yeltsin was elected Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR.

Boris Yeltsin accepts congratulations on his appointment as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR

Statement by the Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR B.N. Yeltsin on leaving the CPSU at the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU (July 12, 1990)

Gosteleradio

Text of Boris Yeltsin's speech at a press conference on his election as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR (May 30, 1990)

Archive of the Presidential Center B.N. Yeltsin

On June 12, 1990, it was he who put the Declaration of State Sovereignty of Russia to a roll-call vote at the congress. It was adopted by an overwhelming majority of votes (“for” – 907, “against” – 13, abstentions – 9).

In July 1990, at the XXVIII (last) Congress of the CPSU, Boris Yeltsin left the party.

June 12, 1991 B.N. Yeltsin was elected the first president of the RSFSR, gaining 57% of the vote (the closest rivals received: N.I. Ryzhkov - 17%, V.V. Zhirinovsky - 8%).

Inauguration of the President of the RSFSR. Boris Yeltsin takes the oath.

Ceremony of taking the oath of office by the President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin and his speech at the Extraordinary V Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR

Gosteleradio

In July 1991, he signed a decree to terminate the activities of organizational structures of political parties and mass social movements in government bodies, institutions and organizations of the RSFSR.

On August 19, a coup attempt was carried out in the USSR: USSR President Gorbachev was removed from power, and the State Committee for a State of Emergency (GKChP) came to govern the country. The Russian president and his associates became the center of resistance to the State Emergency Committee. B.N. Yeltsin made an “Address to the Citizens of Russia,” where he stated, in particular, the following: “We believe that such forceful methods are unacceptable. They discredit the USSR before the whole world, undermine our prestige in the world community, and return us to the era of the Cold War and isolation of the Soviet Union. All this forces us to declare the so-called committee (GKChP) that came to power illegal. Accordingly, we declare all decisions and orders of this committee illegal.” The decisive and precise actions of the Russian leadership destroyed the plans of the putschists. Relying on the support of the people and the army, B. N. Yeltsin managed to protect the country from the consequences of a large-scale provocation that brought Russia to the brink of civil war.

August 1991 coup. Boris Yeltsin addresses the people

On August 23, 1991, at a session of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, B.N. Yeltsin signed a decree on the dissolution of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, and on November 6 of the same year he issued a decree on the termination of the activities of the structures of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR in Russia and the nationalization of their property.

On November 15, 1991, Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin headed the Russian government, which remained in history as the first government of reforms. After forming a new cabinet, he signed a package of ten presidential decrees and government orders that outlined concrete steps towards a market economy. Implementing his new powers, the president appointed Yegor Timurovich Gaidar as the first deputy prime minister responsible for developing a new economic concept for Russian reform.

On December 8, 1991, Boris Yeltsin, together with and signed the Belovezhskaya Agreement of the heads of Belarus, Russia and Ukraine on the liquidation of the USSR and the formation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).

At the end of the year, the Russian President approved a decree on price liberalization from January 2, 1992. In January 1992, the decree “On Free Trade” was also signed.

In June 1992, Yeltsin terminated his powers as Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation and assigned the duties of Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation to Yegor Gaidar. The cabinet began a decisive market reform and privatization of state property.

Photo: Alexey Sazonov / Archive of the Presidential Center B.N. Yeltsin

During 1992, the confrontation between the legislative and executive powers grew, which is often called the “crisis of dual power.” Formally, it was based on contradictions in the constitutional system of Russia, but in fact, it was dissatisfaction on the part of the parliament with the reforms carried out by President Yeltsin’s team.

December 10, 1992 B.N. Yeltsin made an appeal to the citizens of Russia, in which he called the Congress of People's Deputies the main stronghold of conservatism, placing on it the main responsibility for the difficult situation in the country and accusing it of preparing a “creeping coup.” The Supreme Council, the president emphasized, wants to have all the powers and rights, but does not want to bear responsibility.

March 20, 1993 B.N. Yeltsin signed a decree calling a referendum on confidence in the President of the Russian Federation on April 25, 1993.

The All-Russian referendum took place on time. The Russians were asked the following questions:

• Do you trust Russian President Boris Yeltsin?
• Do you approve of the social policy pursued by the President of the Russian Federation and
• Government of the Russian Federation since 1992?
• Do you consider it necessary to hold early elections of the President of the Russian Federation?
• Do you consider it necessary to hold early elections of people's deputies of the Russian Federation?

Archive of the Presidential Center B.N. Yeltsin

There were 107 million citizens on the electoral rolls. 64.5% of voters took part in the referendum. The main result of the referendum was support for the course pursued by President Yeltsin. However, confrontation with parliament grew.

On September 21, 1993, the decree “On phased constitutional reform in the Russian Federation” (decree No. 1400) was promulgated, which dissolved the Supreme Council and the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation. The President scheduled elections to the State Duma, the lower house of the Federal Assembly, for December 11–12, 1993. The Federation Council was declared the upper house of the Federal Assembly.

The Supreme Council assessed the Presidential Decree as illegal and began a resistance campaign. An attempt was made to take over the Moscow City Hall and the Ostankino television center.

The country was on the brink of civil war. As a result of decisive actions by the presidential team and support from democratically minded Muscovites, the crisis was resolved. However, during the October events, more than 150 people died on both sides, most of the dead were bystanders.

The adoption of the new Constitution and the elections on December 12, 1993 significantly improved the atmosphere in society and opened up the opportunity for all branches of government to focus on constructive work.

In February 1994, the president called on the government to strengthen the social orientation of reforms. The consistent efforts of the president led to the appearance in April 1994 of an important document - the “Treaty on Social Accord”, which became a tool for consolidating power, the political elite and society in the interests of creating favorable conditions for continuing reforms.

Along with complex economic problems, problems of federal relations came to the fore. In particular, the situation around the Chechen Republic developed dramatically. The negative consequences of her stay outside the legal framework of Russia under the Dudayev regime were obvious. At the end of 1994, the Russian leadership began armed actions on the territory of Chechnya - the first Chechen war began.

The development of the special operation in Chechnya into a military campaign and the difficulties of socio-economic development affected the results of the State Duma elections in December 1995, as a result of which the Communist Party of the Russian Federation doubled its representation. There was a real threat of communist revenge. In this situation, the presidential elections scheduled for June 1996, in which eight candidates applied to participate, assumed great importance. Surrounded by B.N. Yeltsin turned out to have people who persuaded him in this situation to postpone the elections. However, this plan was not supported by the president. The difficult election campaign of 1996 began.

The President carried out a decisive reorganization of the Cabinet of Ministers, which in January 1996 began to develop a new program of change.

In January - April 1996, the president signed a series of decrees aimed at timely payment of salaries to public sector employees, compensation payments to pensioners, and increased scholarships for students and graduate students. Energetic steps were taken to resolve the Chechen problem (from the development of a plan for a peaceful settlement to a scheme for the liquidation of Dudayev and the cessation of military operations). The signing of agreements between Russia and Belarus, as well as between Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, demonstrated the seriousness of integration intentions in the post-Soviet space.

The President made 52 trips to various regions of the Russian Federation, including to intensify the conclusion of bilateral agreements between the federal center and the constituent entities of the federation.

The first round of elections did not bring victory to the president: his main opponent, leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G.A., entered the second round along with him. Zyuganov. And only based on the results of the second round. Which took place on July 3, 1996 B.N. Yeltsin won with 53.8% of the vote (the Communist Party candidate received 40.3%).

Text of the speech upon taking office as President of the Russian Federation; text of the oath of the President of the Russian Federation; covering note from L.Pikhoy

Archive of the Presidential Center B.N. Yeltsin

The Presidential Marathon - 96 had a great impact on the socio-economic and political situation in Russia. The election victory made it possible to relieve social tensions and continue moving towards a market economy. The strengthening of the democratic foundations of the constitutional system was continued, the foundations of the legislative framework of the market economy were laid, and labor markets, goods, currency, and securities began to function. However, the situation in Chechnya remained difficult, where hostilities began again after the presidential elections. In this regard, the President authorized negotiations on August 22 and 30, 1996 in Khasavyurt, which ended with the signing of important documents. According to the agreements, the parties ceased hostilities, federal troops were withdrawn from Chechnya, and the decision on the status of Chechnya was postponed until 2001.

However, the nervous overload experienced by B.N. Yeltsin's recent years have had a negative impact on his health. Doctors insisted on coronary artery bypass surgery - open heart surgery. Despite persuasion, B.N. Yeltsin decided to have the operation in Russia. The operating surgeon was Renat Akchurin, who was advised by American cardiac surgeon Michael DeBakey. Yeltsin announced the upcoming operation on federal television and for the duration of it transferred power to Prime Minister V.S. Chernomyrdin. The operation was successful and after a short rehabilitation the president returned to work.

By the spring of 1997, the president completed the work begun earlier to reorganize the government, the main task of which for the period of the second presidency of B.N. Yeltsin was to develop a new socio-economic program. This program of priority measures became known as the “Seven Top Things.” It was planned to do the following: eliminate wage arrears, move to targeted social support, introduce common rules of the game for bankers and entrepreneurs, limit the influence of “natural monopolies”, fight against bureaucratic arbitrariness and corruption, intensify the regional economic initiative, widely explain to the public the meaning and goals entrepreneurship.

The government energetically took on the tasks at hand, although not all of the measures it proposed received parliamentary or broader public support. Criticism of the team of “young reformers” was also voiced in the President’s Address to the Federal Assembly in February 1998. On March 23, a presidential decree followed on the resignation of Prime Minister V.S. Chernomyrdin and his government. Perceived at first as a sensation, Yeltsin's decision was based on a clear awareness of the inevitable end of a certain stage of economic policy.

Political heavyweight Viktor Chernomyrdin was replaced by young Sergei Kiriyenko. The President again demonstrated his principle of constant rejuvenation and rotation of personnel at the upper levels of the management system.

However, already in August 1998, the country faced a global financial crisis, which led the government of S.V. Kiriyenko to fall. The situation was aggravated by economic and financial mistakes made by the Russian government. The default, collapse of the banking system and repeated devaluation of the ruble extremely complicated the country's economic situation, but the Russian market turned out to be stronger than expected. The August crisis was followed by a recovery: the replacement of imported goods with domestic ones and the intensification of export activity contributed to the stabilization of the economy.

In September 1998, the head of state proposed E.M. for the post of Prime Minister. Primakov, who at that moment headed the Russian Foreign Ministry. The inclusion of representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the government gave grounds to talk about the “leftward movement” of the executive branch. However, there were no radical changes in the course of reforms, and it was even possible to generally stabilize the socio-political situation. On May 12, 1999, the President sent E.M. Primakov resigns. The reasons for this step, which seemed irrational at the time, were in fact simple: the head of state did not see his successor in the then prime minister. The post of Prime Minister was given to S.V. Stepashin, whom the media immediately called Yeltsin’s potential successor. However, the situation soon changed.

2. In accordance with Part 3 of Article 92 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the powers of the President of the Russian Federation are temporarily exercised by the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation from 12:00 on December 31, 1999.

3. This Decree comes into force from the moment it is signed.”

New Year's televised address by Russian President Boris Yeltsin to Russians (1999)

Presidential Center B.N. Yeltsin

The first President of Russia was awarded the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, 1st degree, as well as the Order of Lenin, two Orders of the Red Banner of Labor, the Order of the Badge of Honor, the Order of Gorchakov (the highest award of the Russian Foreign Ministry), and the Order of the Royal Order of Peace and Justice ( UNESCO), medals “Shield of Freedom” and “For Dedication and Courage” (USA), the Order of the Knight Grand Cross (Italy’s highest state award) and many others.