Social mobility of the population. Spatial mobility. Concept, types and factors of social mobility

Ministry of Education and Science Russian Federation

GOU VPO "Kuban State Technological University"

Department of Sociology and Human Resources

Social and Humanitarian Faculty

COURSE WORK

by discipline General Sociology

on the topic Social mobility of the population and factors of its formation in

Performed by a student of group 09-g-cs1

Serebryakova Maria Gennadievna

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Krasnodar

abstract

Course work: 31p., 14 sources, 1 app.

SOCIAL MOBILITY, FACTORS OF FORMATION OF SOCIAL MOBILITY, EDUCATION.

The object of the research is social mobility.

The purpose of the work is to identify the main factors in the formation of social mobility.

Research methods: sociological methods of empirical and theoretical research: document analysis, questioning.

In the course of the work, primary sources were studied, public opinion was considered, studies of social mobility were analyzed, as a result of which it was revealed that the dominant factors of social mobility are economic factors. And the most significant factor education acts for upward social mobility.

Novelty term paper: Previous research is subject to secondary review and analysis.

Practical significance. The problem of social mobility and the factors of its formation is very relevant in modern society, because there are constant processes of movement. results this study can serve for short-term and long-term forecasts of changes in the social structure of society.

Introduction ……………………………………………………………… ..
1 Concept, types and factors of social mobility …………….
1.1 Definition of the concept of social mobility, types of social mobility .. …………………………………………….
1.2 Factors of social mobility formation…. ……….
2 Research of factors of social mobility ………………
2.1 Economic and settlement factors ………………… ...
2.2 Conditions for success …… .. …………………………….
Conclusion....……………………………………………………….…. List of sources used ……………………………… .. Appendix A “Conditions that are important and very important in order to achieve a prosperous situation in life” …………………….

Introduction

Relevance the chosen theme is that social mobility in every developed, modern, democratic society is an integral part of culture.

The size of the city is important, regional specificity etc., and how the process of social mobility proceeds in these conditions. It is also necessary to highlight the similarities and differences in different types of territorial settlements.

The uniqueness of the current situation lies in the fact that the processes of social mobility in Russia have certain features that are inherent only in Russian reality.

Study modern trends mobility is challenging. Firstly, official, state statistics do not have sufficient data on the social dynamics of the population, and secondly, we are talking about social processes in a transforming society. The importance of sociological study of this problem on concrete - historical material social reality determined by the need to fill the gap social information about the processes of social mobility of the population in the city, which will help determine the vector of their movement.

Degree scientific elaboration of the problem... The problem of social mobility first appeared in 1927 with the publication of the work "Social Mobility" by P.A. Sorokin. Sorokin's work aroused wide interest in scientific circles and served as an impetus for further sociological understanding of the essence of the concept of social mobility, its types and channels. ... Thus, P. Sorokin created the basis for the scientific study of the most important problem in sociology - social mobility, in its various manifestations. M. Weber great attention devoted to the study of social structures in the framework of a systematic approach. He believed that the intensity of movement provides a basis for establishing boundaries between classes. Since the beginning of the 70s, the works of researchers of the second generation have appeared, including P.M.Blau, I. Blumen, L. Goodman, O.D.Danken,

D. Treiman et al. They analyze changes in educational and professional intergenerational mobility in order to identify how "open" certain social groups and strata are. Since the 1980s, a third generation of researchers of social mobility has appeared, the most prominent representatives of which are L. Jones, J. Goldthorpe, R. Erickson, D.L. Fiterman, P.M. Hauser. Fiterman, Jones, and Hauser are testing the FJH hypothesis by comparing social mobility across generations. In the post-Soviet period, the work of E.M. Avraamova, L.A. Belyaeva, S.A. Belanovsky, V.A. Bondarenko and others.

Object of study- social mobility.

The subject of research are the factors that shape social mobility.

Purpose of the study is to identify and consider the factors of social mobility as a necessary criterion for the development of Russian society.

To achieve the set goal, it is necessary to determine tasks :

- to define the concept of social mobility;

- consider the types of social mobility;

- to identify the factors of the formation of social mobility.

Analysis of the collected materials allowed us to formulate general research hypotheses :

1. The predominant factor of social mobility is the economic factor.

2. Social mobility for educational reasons is most intense in the group of people with higher and secondary education.

3. The prescribed capabilities of the individual are important factors of social mobility.

Theoretical basis work based on the concept of social mobility and stratification by P. Sorokin, the works of M. Weber, Yu. G. Volkov, V. N. Dobrenkov, S. S. Frolov, A. I. Kravchenko, M. F. Chernysh, O. A. Pavlenok.

Research methods... To solve the set tasks and test the hypothesis put forward, the following methods were used: sociological methods of empirical and theoretical research: document analysis, questionnaires;

Empirical base research became the results of a sociological survey conducted by the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences in 2007 in Russia. According to a representative all-Russian sample in all territorial-economic regions of the country (according to the zoning adopted by Rosstat), 1,750 respondents were interviewed, representing the population of Russia by gender, age, type of settlement and region of residence. The survey was conducted in 58 settlements of various types from 19 constituent entities of the Russian Federation. The Russians' assessment of their position was considered.

Scientific novelty term paper consists in the fact that it uses ready-made, previously conducted research, which are subjected to secondary review and analysis.

Practical significance work is that its results can serve as a basis for further short-term and long-term forecasts of changes in the social structure of society.

1 Concept, types and factors of social mobility

1.1 Definition of the concept of social mobility, types

social mobility

Social mobility, in a broad sense, is any movement of individuals in a social space. It is necessary to define and consider what social space is. As P. Sorokin noted, the position in the social space is fundamentally different from the geometric: “The position of President Garding in the geometric space changed dramatically when he moved from Washington to Alaska, whereas social status remained the same as in Washington. Louis XVI in Versailles and Nicholas II in Tsarskoe Selo remained in the same geometric space, although their social position suddenly changed dramatically. Thus, people who are next to each other in one place can be distant from each other in a social sense, and vice versa. For example, people of the same religion live in different countries, they are separated by a geometric space, but socially they are close. So there is no understanding between people, even if they live in the same area. The difference between social and geometric space lies in the correlation of the positions of individuals, their place in society. These parameters are affiliation and place in the system. social relations, the proximity of value orientations and the way of perceiving social reality. The social space is vast and multidimensional. There are various communities in it with a different differentiated system of ideologies and beliefs. Thus, the correlation of the positions of individuals can exist according to several criteria: professional status, level of participation in political activity, according to religious beliefs, nationality, gender, age, and some others.

The main definition of social mobility was formulated by P. Sorokin. Social mobility is understood as any transition of an individual or social object (value), that is, all that is created or modified by human activity, from one social position to another.

Social mobility includes concepts such as social channels or elevators and social agents. Everything with the help of which the individual moves is called the elevators of social mobility. These include social institutions. P. Sorokin referred to the elevators as a family, a church, an army, educational institutions, political and religious organizations, etc. Agents are people who in any way contribute to social mobility.

There are two main types of social mobility: horizontal and vertical. Horizontal social mobility, or displacement, means the transition of an individual or social object from one social group to another located at the same level. These movements of the individual are difficult to determine not only to the people around him, but also to himself. For example, at first glance, it is difficult to determine the position of an individual due to an increase in prestige, an increase or decrease in opportunities for access to power, changes in income, changes in the individual's beliefs, moving from one religious group to another, changing one job to another, while maintaining one's professional status, from one family to another in case of divorce or remarriage. As a result, these changes in the individual's position affect his behavior, the system of relations in the group, change needs, attitudes, and affect interests and orientations. Horizontal mobility also manifests itself in the movement of social objects: transport, radio, fashion, ideology, laws, and so on. In all these and other cases, changes can occur without a significant change in the social position of the individual or social object. The delimitation of vertical and horizontal parameters reflects the phenomena in the social space: hierarchies, ranks, dominance, authority and obedience, promotion and demotion. All these phenomena and their corresponding relationships are presented in the form of vertical social mobility.

Vertical social mobility refers to those relations that arise when an individual or social object moves from one social stratum to another. Depending on the direction of movement, there are two types of vertical mobility: upward and downward, that is, social ascent and social descent. So, vertical mobility is such a change in the position of an individual, in which his status rises or falls. If an auto mechanic becomes a plant manager, this is a manifestation of upward mobility, but if an auto mechanic becomes a scavenger, such movement will be an indicator of downward mobility. If the auto mechanic gets a job as a locksmith, this movement would indicate horizontal mobility.

In accordance with the nature of stratification, there are downward and upward currents of economic, political and professional mobility, not to mention other less important types. Upward currents exist in two main forms: penetration an individual from a lower layer to an existing higher layer; or the creation of a new group by such individuals and the penetration of the entire groups in a higher layer to a level with the already existing groups of this layer. Accordingly, the downward currents also have two forms: the first is the fall of the individual from a higher social position to a lower one, without destroying the original group to which he previously belonged; another form manifests itself in the degradation of the social group as a whole, in the lowering of its rank against the background of other groups, or in the destruction of its social unity. In the first case, the "fall" reminds us of a person who fell from the ship, in the second - the immersion in the water of the ship itself with all the passengers on board, or the wreck of the ship when it shatters into smithereens.

It should also be noted that everyone wants to "go up" on the social elevator, raise their status, raise their social position, increase access to power, improve the quality and standard of living. Nobody wants to "go down" and fall down. Thus, the ascent is voluntary, and the descent is compulsory.

Let's take a closer look at group mobility. She makes significant changes to the structure of society. Group movements are especially intense during the period of structural changes in the economy. The society is developing, the structure is being rebuilt, new prestigious highly paid professional groups appear. This promotes mass movement and exemplifies vertical upward mobility. The fall in their social status, the disappearance of some professions leads to downward vertical mobility of a mass character.

So, massive displacements can occur due to serious changes in the socio-economic structure of society, which leads to the emergence of new social strata, new classes; also due to a change in ideology and political priorities, while those political forces that were able to adapt to new conditions rise up; and, finally, due to the failure of the mechanism that ensures the stratification of the structure of society.

Individual social mobility and its problem is one of the most attractive for sociologists. Individual social mobility is a change in which one specific individual moves, changing his position. Individual mobility is characteristic of a steadily developing society. If successful, the individual will change not only his position in the vertical hierarchy, but also the socio-professional group. The problem of individual social mobility includes the study of the intensity of movements, their orientation, the ability of children to achieve a more prestigious status than their parents have, the study of individual abilities, skills, capabilities and other factors that help the individual rise up.

P. Sorokin believes that there are no completely esoteric societies, that is, in which there are no movements. However, history does not speak of societies with absolute, unlimited mobility. All societies are stratified. There are “filters” that allow some individuals to ascend to the new top layer while others stay below. The role of these "filters" is played by social institutions that regulate vertical movements. However, climbing up only with the help of any social institution does not always lead to the expected result. To gain a foothold in a new stratum, it is necessary to organically fit into a new environment, adapt to a new life, and behave in accordance with new rules and norms. Sometimes this process is painful for the individual, since it is difficult to say goodbye to old habits and revise their value system.

A similar situation occurs when moving down. Being unable to orientate himself to an alien environment for him, the individual experiences serious psychological difficulties.

It is necessary to distinguish between the intensity and universality of vertical mobility. Under intensity refers to the vertical social distance or the number of economic, professional or political strata traversed by an individual in his upward or downward movement for a certain period of time. If, for example, a certain individual rises in a year from the position of a person with an annual income of $ 500 to a position with an income of $ 50 thousand, and another in the same period from the same initial position rises to a level of $ 1000, then in the first case the intensity of the economic recovery will be 50 times greater than in the second. For a corresponding change, the intensity of vertical mobility can be measured in the field of political and professional stratification.

Under universality vertical mobility refers to the number of individuals who have changed their social position in the vertical direction over a certain period of time. The absolute number of such individuals gives absolute universality vertical mobility in the structure of a given population of the country; the proportion of such individuals to the total population gives relative universality vertical mobility.

The intensity of social mobility is the rate at which an individual climbs the social elevator. The more steps he passed in certain time, the more he raised his status, the greater the speed, intensity of movement. And universality is the number of individuals making movements in social space in a specific period of time.

If we connect these two phenomena, we get the aggregate indicator of the vertical social mobility of a society. And considering the indicators of different societies, one can see in which of the bottom social mobility is higher. Those. you can compare indicators.

Along with horizontal and vertical mobility, there are such forms as intergenerational and intragenerational.

Intergenerational mobility (intergenerational mobility) is the comparison of the social status of parents and their children at a certain point in the career. For example, comparing the level of education at a particular age of parents and their children or the rank of their professions at approximately the same age. Studies show that a significant part, perhaps even the majority, of the Russian population moves at least a little up or down in the class hierarchy in every generation.

Intra-generational mobility (intragenerational mobility) is expressed in comparison of the social status of an individual over a long period of time. Research results indicate that many Russians have changed their occupation during their lives. However, the mobility of the majority was limited. Short distance travel is the rule, long distance travel is the exception.

Summarizing the above, social mobility can be represented schematically:

Figure 1 - Social mobility

1.2 Factors shaping social mobility

The reasons for allowing individuals to move are called factors of social mobility... These include:

· Level of education received;

· Social status of the family;

· System of social organization;

· Nationality;

· Physical and mental abilities;

· Getting upbringing;

· location;

· The birth rate of the area;

· Profitable marriage.

Let's study the factors in more detail. The dominant factor of social mobility is the socioeconomic factor, which becomes basic in Russia with the strengthening of the role of property and entrepreneurship. Wealth has become a generally accepted criterion for success, a state of security and the ability to advance to higher strata.

Social mobility of the population is an important aspect of socio-economic life in any society. Mobility is determined by the need for individuals to adapt to changing socio-economic conditions, and society, as a systemic factor, should create favorable conditions for successful implementation this motive. Considering that everything in the social life of a society is determined by the aspirations and actions of a person, the main aspect for displacement is a personal determinant. But, it does not always manifest itself, in connection with the personal nature of the individual, or it is suppressed by social and economic factors. At the same time, social factors include: demographic and migration processes, the settlement and sectoral structure of society, the situation in the education system. The economic factor includes the state of the labor market, socio-economic situation. The economic factor causes forced social mobility, limiting the individual, because individuals are forced to meet socio-economic requirements for a given period of time. Forced mobility can be more than just negative. In the event that the result of the individual's movements corresponds to his ideas of happiness and brings satisfaction, then mobility takes on a positive character. It should be noted that the development trend modern society promotes the transition from forced mobility to free forms, i.e. to increase the priority of individual social mobility. This happens by increasing the level of labor productivity, the highest scientific, technical and informational equipment of the entire production and socio-cultural life.

For the economic factor, the role of education is great, which acts as a separate, no less important factor in displacement. First, education is necessary in the context of the transition of competition from the field of financial, industrial and military-technical resources to information sphere... Secondly, on the one hand, it will help to assimilate more positive experience in the process of socialization, and on the other hand, it will help to form new corporate values ​​for the emerging social strata.

The development of advanced technologies in our society contributes to the emergence of new professions, which require high training and qualifications, and which for the most part are highly paid and prestigious. It combines voluntary mobility of individuals who strive to achieve more, and forced, due to the need for advanced training and retraining.

M. Weber, as a criterion of claims to "... positive or negative privileges in relation to social prestige," pointed out, firstly, the way of life, and secondly, "formal education, which consists in practical or theoretical training and the assimilation of an appropriate way of life", and - third, the prestige of birth or profession.

Hence, we can conclude that the education received, and the developed lifestyle, as well as professional status and income from it, will allow an individual to occupy the highest strata.

Thus, in Russian society all space social stratification is determined practically by one indicator, namely material (wealth) with a sharp decrease in the importance of other differentiation criteria, which cease to play a balancing role.

The social factors of social mobility include the prescribed capabilities of individuals (the historical type of stratification, the social status of the family to which the individual belongs, the type of society). The accessibility of ways of social mobility for an individual depends on his starting opportunities, which the family provides him, and on the structure of the community in which he lives.

Caste and estate societies limit social mobility, placing serious restrictions on any change in status. Such societies are called closed. If in society most statuses are prescribed, then the scope of movement is narrowed. In open societies, individual social success and status are valued. In these societies, the opportunities for social mobility are great.

In a class society, people do not believe in the possibility of changing their status without having wealth, ancestry or the patronage of the monarch. The same happens in closed society... For example, in the USSR, people, in factories, factories, working on time, received a salary, regardless of how much they produce, more or less, better or worse - the remuneration is the same. There is no incentive, no self-confidence. And vice versa, sociologists observe a pattern that the more opportunities for moving up, the more people believe in the availability of vertical mobility channels for them, and the more they believe in it, the more they try to reach heights, to advance, that is, the higher the level of social mobility in society.

So, how the family affects social mobility. There are various ways, from profitable marriages to financial assistance, that allow you to advance to higher strata.

The family becomes a channel of vertical mobility when people with different social status enter into marriage. So, at the end of the XIX - beginning of the XX century. in Russia, a rather widespread phenomenon was the marriage of the impoverished, but titled brides with representatives of the rich, but ignoble merchant class. As a result of such a marriage, both partners moved up the social ladder, having received what each of them wanted. But such a marriage can be useful only if an individual from a lower stratum is prepared for the rapid assimilation of new patterns of behavior and way of life. If he cannot quickly assimilate new cultural standards, then such a marriage will give nothing, since the representatives of the higher status stratum will not consider the individual.

So, there are many factors in the formation of social mobility and they are different. The most important is the economic factor and the factor of the social position of the family.

2 Research of factors of social mobility

2.1 Economic and settlement factors

Over the past 15 years, Russian society has undergone major changes. The formation of market institutions in our country not only created new opportunities, but also made us talk about competition in all spheres of life. This competition was quite often successfully won by people from "simple" families, who eventually achieved quite high positions in modern Russian society. But is this the rule, or should these cases be treated as exceptions? How easy is it to break away from your "roots" and take a high position in society? Can the high status of parents knowingly ensure the well-being of their children? And to what extent is a person's position in modern Russia determined by his personal qualities and ambitions? Research will help answer these questions.

The study of material on the topic of social mobility and the factors of its formation shows that high statuses and people occupying them are better rewarded, have a greater amount of power, the prestige of their occupation is higher, and the level of education should be higher. So we get four main dimensions of stratification - income, power, education, prestige.

Consider the most prestigious professions in Russia. Social prestige is the significance, attractiveness, attributed in the public consciousness to various aspects of people's activities. According to the All-Russian Center for the Study public opinion(VTsIOM) rating of the most prestigious and profitable professions in Russia can be concluded.

According to the survey, Russians say with confidence that being a lawyer is prestigious (20%). In second place in prestige is a doctor and an economist, they were singled out by 12% of respondents. Next in this ranking is the profession of a banker (7%). It is followed by a programmer, a civil servant (6%); it also seems attractive for Russians to do business, which is also preferred by 6%. Teacher, artist, designer - 4%. The lowest place is occupied by the professions of accountant and oil worker (3%). The least prestigious, from the point of view of the respondents, is to be a scientist.

.

Figure 1 - The most prestigious professions

Figure 1 shows that a lawyer takes the first place, then an entrepreneur, as 13% of Russians believe that it is most profitable to be an entrepreneur, and 11% - a banker. This is followed by the professions of economist and civil servant (8% each), doctor (7%). 4% of respondents are sure that the highest incomes belong to oil workers, 3% each - from owners of creative professions, 2% - from accountants. The least profitable, from the point of view of the respondents, is to be a teacher and a scientist (1% each).

Figure 2 - The most profitable professions

Comparing Figure 1 and Figure 2, it can be seen that, according to Russians, the most profitable and prestigious professions, such as lawyer, economist, banker, require education, which confirms the high role of education in raising one's status.

In the marketing research "Entrant - 2009", which was carried out in July - September 2009, mainly school graduates from Kemerovo and the Kemerovo region took part. At the same time, the survey showed that the goals of obtaining higher education for applicants are to obtain the status of a qualified specialist and obtain a profession. What is upward social mobility, with the help of such a social lift as education?

This conclusion is made on the basis of data from Figure 3, study of the goals of education. It shows that the most important goal of obtaining an education is to obtain the status of a qualified specialist, this goal is singled out by 41% of applicants. In second place is the desire to acquire a prestigious profession - 28%. 17% of respondents name a job prospect. This is followed by the desire to increase the level of knowledge, this goal is chosen by 13%. And the other takes only 1%.

Figure - The purpose of obtaining higher education

So, obtaining the status of a qualified specialist and obtaining prestigious profession allows you to expand the possibilities of movement in social space.

Additional professional education acts as

channel of professional mobility, workers move in areas of the economy.

With such a transfer, individuals retain their favorable position or even improve it by changing their position or raising their status by acquiring a more prestigious profession.

The type of mobility transforming the professional position concerns professional groups with a lower level of qualifications and predominant employment in private enterprises.

The role of additional education in the formation of the social and professional structure is actualized due to the tasks of changing the model of the country's economic growth, stimulating the innovation vector and post-industrial trends in its development. Essentially, it is - important element mechanism for enhancing the intellectual potential of the country, the disclosure of which has not been given really serious attention so far. Ideally, it seems to be the most transparent and accessible, in terms of institutionalization, mechanism for the redistribution of the working population in industries and sectors of the economy and, accordingly, the socio-professional structure through the regular acquisition of a set of new knowledge and skills.

Russians who received higher education, much more often than others, achieved a higher position in society in comparison with their parents. Conversely, the lower the level of education, the higher the indicators of downward mobility.

When studying social mobility, it is worth keeping in mind the stratum capabilities, i.e. the position of parents in society. Compared to their parents, those who had a higher level of education and had the set of skills that are more in demand in the labor market achieved a higher social status. They knew how to use a computer, knew foreign languages, received additional education without interrupting their work, had the right to drive a car.

Upward mobility and generational mobility are closely intertwined. According to the data in Figure 3, it can be seen that those whose parents had the highest level of education will occupy higher strata in comparison with their parents. Those. the main trend is the relationship between the education of parents and children, the higher the education of parents, the higher the social status of their children.

So, speaking about social mobility, the population considered their own efforts to be the main thing, but noted that the position and education of parents also greatly affects the life chances of children.

Figure 4 - The position of Russians in comparison with their own parents, depending on the level of education, in%

Next, let's move on to consider another type of factors. Judging by the results of the study, it is important for social mobility settlement factor... Achieved success, mostly residents of megacities - Moscow, St. Petersburg. In these cities, there are more opportunities to get an education, and a good position not only for its residents, but also for those who came from other cities. Moreover, if at the place of residence the gap in the indicators of vertical mobility between residents of villages and capitals was 10% (32 and 42%, respectively), then in terms of upward mobility, depending on the conditions of primary socialization, it reached 13% (28 and 41%, respectively).

Figure 3 Assessment by Russians from different types of settlements of the position of their generation in comparison with generations of parents and children, in%

2.2 Conditions for success

According to the data obtained (Table 1), it can be seen that the most important thing for Russians' own well-being is to have the necessary acquaintances, the so-called “connections”. But the role of their own education is also great, especially for those people who occupy a higher position than their parents. An important condition for moving upwards is the persistence and hard work of individuals. The prescribed status and position of the family as a factor of mobility was identified by 74% of the total population. Parental education contributes 66% to social mobility. Place of residence, gender and nationality were chosen as a factor by no more than 25% of the population.

Table 1 Conditions that are important and very important in order to achieve a prosperous situation in life, in%

	% of those who rated their position as higher than that of their parents	General population	% of those who rated their position as inferior to that of their parents
Have the right acquaintances
Work hard
Come from a wealthy family
Have educated parents
Have political connections
The place where the person comes from
Nationality

Factors of upward social mobility, i.e. Russians consider education, hard work, acquaintances and connections to be the conditions for raising their status and achieving success. At the same time, abilities are both the ability to survive in changing socio-economic conditions, in a market and increasing competition, and the presence of certain professional skills, for example, the ability to use computer programs, knowledge foreign languages etc.

Basically, the success of achievements depends on the individuals themselves, on their efforts and work, but the role of the influence of urban culture and the status positions of parents are also great.

Conclusion

Social mobility is movement in social space. They can have different directions, both up and down, or they can be neutral, that is, without changing the social position of individuals. Social mobility is determined by personal desires and aspirations, and it is also influenced by socio-economic conditions, which, in general, leads to forced mobility. The availability of travel routes depends both on the individual and on the social structure of the society in which he is located.

The orientation and social behavior of a person is influenced by political changes in the country, a change in the way of compulsion to work; transformation of value orientations of society, decrease in social mobility of people; a sharp decrease in demand in the labor market, a general decline in living standards.

From the analysis of the primary material and the research carried out, a tendency can be seen - individuals strive upward, try to improve their social position, get into the highest stratum, increasing their professional status, accumulating wealth. Nobody wants to "sink". For upward vertical mobility, education is the most important factor, with education and social position parents are also meaningful. The factors also include the prestige of the profession and the remuneration received for it. The conditions for achieving success in Russia include the necessary acquaintances, additional professional skills and hard work.

Thus, when studying the issues of social mobility, one should consider them as starting conditions, i.e. position of parents, and individual personal characteristics of behavior and thinking.

The significance of the analysis is important, since social mobility is useful, necessary and serves as an integral part of culture in society.

List of sources used

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Appendix A

Conditions that are important and very important in order to achieve a prosperous position in life, in%

Conditions	% of those who rated their position as higher than that of their parents	General population	% of those who rated their position as inferior to that of their parents
Have the right acquaintances
Have a good education yourself
Work hard
Come from a wealthy family
Have educated parents
Indiscriminate means, impudence
Have political connections
The place where the person comes from
Nationality

The topic of this article is social mobility. This is a very important topic for a sociologist. It is being held today at school in social studies lessons. After all, knowledge of the society in which we live is necessary for everyone. Nowadays, when changes in the world are happening very quickly, this is especially true.

Definition

Migration in a broad and a narrow sense

Migration, that is, territorial movements of the population, can also be considered as a form of social mobility. In a broad sense, they mean any movement outside the boundaries of a certain territory of its population (usually this territory is a settlement). At the same time, for what purpose and for how long the procedure takes place is immaterial.

However, in popular science and scientific literature, a narrow interpretation of the concept of "migration" is much more often used. According to her, this is a movement that is associated with a change in the place of permanent residence.

Seasonal and commuting

In a broad sense, migration includes, in addition to moving to a permanent place of residence, also seasonal and commuting. The second is the regular movement of people between several (two or more) settlements. However, their place of residence does not change. Such migration is associated with work, rest or study. These are most often daily trips. Sometimes, however, travels made for a longer period (usually within one week) are also considered as pendulum migrations.

Two important reasons for a sociologist to classify migration

Many characteristics exist for classifying migration flows. The most important for the sociologist are the following two:

1. Migrations occurring between settlements, the rank of which is different. In some cases, migration is vertical social mobility. This is observed when it is associated with a decrease or increase in the status of a person who has a certain place of residence. In others, it is horizontal (in the event that the move occurs between settlements with the same rank). Today, migration as vertical social mobility is a phenomenon associated mainly with the process of urbanization. After all, moving from villages to cities is a necessary element of this process.

2. External and internal migrations. This division is considered rather arbitrary. Human migration mobility is an extensive phenomenon that does not lend itself to strict classification. In official statistics, internal migration is usually understood as the movement of people to a new place of residence, carried out within the same country. By external, we mean moving to a sufficiently long or permanent residence in another country. However, sometimes, depending on what goals this or that sociological study pursues, migrations between different subjects of the federation are also considered as external ones.

Social mobility in Russia in the 18-19 centuries

Throughout the history of the development of our state, the nature of the mobility of its population has changed. These changes can be recorded fairly accurately from the beginning of the 18th century. Russia, like any other semi-agricultural and agrarian society, was characterized up to the end of the 19th century by rather low rates of vertical mobility. During these years, estates formed the basis of the structure of society. The boundaries of class groups, however, were at that time more permeable than in Europe during the time of classical feudalism. The policy of absolutism pursued by the state contributed to this. Although the outflow was hardly noticeable in relation to the total number of the peasantry due to the high proportion of its representatives in the country's population, in relation to the urban estates and the nobility there were very high rates of mobility. Paying the tax rate and ransom, people from the peasants fell quite easily into the urban estates, they could advance in the social hierarchy up to the merchants of the first guild. The ranks of the serving nobility were also replenished very intensively. From all the estates of Russia, its representatives were nominated - from the clergy, merchants, petty bourgeoisie, and peasants.

The structural mobility of society at that time (since the time of Peter I, at least) was insignificant. That is, the strata that make up the structure of society remained unchanged. Until the 1870s, only their quantitative ratio changed slightly.

Post-Petrine Mobility

Over the next 140 years following the reign of Peter I, Russia experienced not only very intense vertical mobility. The structural social mobility of society at that time was also significant and took place in several stages. At first (1870-1917), a class of the proletariat and the industrial bourgeoisie was gradually formed in Russia. After that, mainly from 1930 to 1970, an intensive process of modernization took place. At this time, a structure was formed that was already close to the corresponding one in industrial and post-industrial societies. The difference was that there was no class of private entrepreneurs. In addition, the sphere in which market relations operated was significantly limited. Since the 1990s, the third stage of structural mobility began in our society. It is associated with the formation of a post-industrial society in Russia, which is based on a market economy.

Changes in the prestige of professions, high rates of inter- and intragenerational mobility

In the process of the above-described structural changes, it was not only the quantitative ratio of various social strata that changed. The relative prestige of certain professions also did not remain unchanged. For example, in the 1930-1950s, the most prestigious were technical specialties (skilled worker, engineer), in the 1950-1970s - professions related to science, and since the mid-80s of the last century - related to finance and trade. During the entire period, very high rates of intergenerational and intragenerational mobility were observed, as well as a low level of isolation of various professional groups. This was noted not only by domestic sociologists, but also by Western ones.

Territorial migration at different times

During this period, the rates of territorial mobility were also extremely high (both horizontal - to construction sites and newly developed areas, and vertical - from village to city). Migration began to decline only from the mid-70s of the last century. Nevertheless, since the beginning of the 90s, growth in its rates has been observed again. A lot of people migrate to the regions of the Russian Federation from the former Soviet republics.

Scientific definition

Social mobility- change by an individual or a group of the place occupied in the social structure (social position), moving from one social stratum (class, group) to another (vertical mobility) or within the same social stratum (horizontal mobility). Sharply limited in caste and estate society, social mobility increases significantly in an industrial society.

Horizontal mobility

Horizontal mobility- the transition of an individual from one social group to another located at the same level (example: moving from an Orthodox to a Catholic religious group, from one citizenship to another). Distinguish between individual mobility - the movement of one person independently of the others, and group - movement occurs collectively. In addition, geographic mobility is distinguished - moving from one place to another while maintaining the previous status (for example: international and interregional tourism, moving from city to village and vice versa). As a type of geographic mobility, the concept of migration is distinguished - movement from one place to another with a change of status (for example: a person moved to a city for permanent residence and changed his profession). And it is similar to castes.

Vertical mobility

Vertical mobility- promotion of a person up or down the career ladder.

• Upward mobility- social recovery, upward movement (For example: promotion).
• Downward mobility- social descent, downward movement (For example: demotion).

Social elevator

Social elevator- a concept similar to vertical mobility, but more often used in the modern context of discussing the theory of elites as one of the means of rotation of the ruling elite.

Generational mobility

Intergenerational mobility is a comparative change in social status among different generations (example: a worker's son becomes president).

Intra-generational mobility (social career) - a change in status within one generation (example: a turner becomes an engineer, then a shop manager, then a plant director). Vertical and horizontal mobility is influenced by gender, age, birth rate, mortality rate, and population density. In general, men and young people are more mobile than women and the elderly. Overpopulated countries are more likely to experience the consequences of emigration (resettlement from one country to another for economic, political, personal reasons) than immigration (moving to a region for permanent or temporary residence of citizens from another region). Where fertility is high, the population is younger and therefore more mobile, and vice versa.

Literature

• - an article from the Newest Philosophical Dictionary
• Sorokin R. Α. Social and cultural mobility. - N. Y. - L., 1927.
• Glass D. V. Social mobility in Britain. - L., 1967.

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See what "Social mobility" is in other dictionaries:

- (social mobility) Moving from one class (class) or, more often, from a group with a certain status to another class, to another group. Social mobility both between generations and within the professional activities of individuals is ... Political science. Vocabulary.

Change by an individual or a group of social position, place occupied in the social structure. S. m. Is associated both with the operation of the laws of societies. development, class struggle, leading to the growth of some classes and groups and a decrease ... ... Philosophical Encyclopedia

SOCIAL mobility, change by an individual or group of the place occupied in the social structure, movement from one social stratum (class, group) to another (vertical mobility) or within the same social stratum ... ... Modern encyclopedia

Change by an individual or a group of the place occupied in the social structure, movement from one social stratum (class, group) to another (vertical mobility) or within the same social stratum (horizontal mobility). ... ... Big Encyclopedic Dictionary

Social mobility- SOCIAL MOBILITY, change by an individual or a group of the place occupied in the social structure, movement from one social stratum (class, group) to another (vertical mobility) or within the same social stratum ... ... Illustrated Encyclopedic Dictionary

The concept by which the social movements of people are designated in the direction of social positions characterized by a higher (social ascent) or lower (social degradation) level of income, prestige and degree ... ... The latest philosophical dictionary

See SOCIAL MOBILITY. Antinazi. Encyclopedia of Sociology, 2009 ... Encyclopedia of Sociology

SOCIAL MOBILITY- SOCIAL MOBILITY, a term used (along with the concepts of social movement and social mobility) in sociology, demography and economics. sciences to designate the transition of individuals from one classes, social groups and strata to others, ... ... Demographic Encyclopedic Dictionary

- (vertical mobility) See: mobility of labor. Business. Dictionary... M .: INFRA M, Ves Mir Publishing House. Graham Betts, Barry Braindley, S. Williams et al. Osadchaya I.M .. 1998 ... Business glossary

Social mobility- personal quality acquired in the process learning activities and expressed in the ability to quickly master new realities in various spheres of life, find adequate ways to resolve unforeseen problems and fulfill ... ... Official terminology

SOCIAL MOBILITY OF THE POPULATION

1. Social mobility.

Each person moves in social space, in the society in which he lives. Sometimes these movements are easily felt and identified, for example, when an individual moves from one place to another, a transition from one religion to another, a change in marital status. This changes the position of the individual in society and speaks of his movement in the social space. However, there are still movements of the individual that are difficult to determine not only to the people around him, but also to himself. For example, it is difficult to determine a change in the position of an individual due to an increase in prestige, an increase or decrease in the possibilities of using power, and a change in income. At the same time, such changes in a person's position ultimately affect his behavior, the system of relations in the group, needs, attitudes, interests and orientations.

In this regard, it is important to determine how the processes of movement of individuals in social space, which are called the processes of mobility, are carried out.

2. The nature of social mobility.

Talented individuals are undoubtedly born in all social strata and social classes. If there are no barriers to social achievement, greater social mobility can be expected, with some individuals rising rapidly and gaining high statuses, while others descend to lower ones. But between layers and classes, there are barriers that prevent the free transition of individuals from one status group to another. One of the most important barriers arises from the fact that social classes have subcultures that prepare children of each class to participate in the class subculture in which they are socialized. An ordinary child from a family of representatives of the creative intelligentsia is less likely to learn the habits and norms that help him later work as a peasant or a worker. The same can be said for the norms that help him in his work as a big leader. Ultimately, however, he may become not only a writer, like his parents, but also a worker or a major leader. Just to move from one layer to another or from one social class in the other, "difference in starting capabilities" has a meaning. For example, the sons of a minister and a peasant have different opportunities for obtaining high official status. Therefore, the generally accepted official point of view, which is that to achieve any heights in society, you only need to work and have the ability, turns out to be untenable.

The examples cited indicate that any social movement does not occur unimpeded, but through overcoming more or less significant barriers. Even moving a person from one place of residence to another presupposes a certain period of adaptation to new conditions.

All social movements of an individual or social group are included in the process of mobility. According to P. Sorokin's definition, “social mobility is understood as any transition of an individual, or a social object, or value, created or modified through activity, from one social position to another”.

P. Sorokin distinguishes between two types of social mobility: horizontal and vertical. Horizontal mobility is the transition of an individual or social object from one social position to another, lying at the same level. In all these cases, the individual does not change the social stratum to which he belongs, or social status. The most important process is vertical mobility, which is a set of interactions that facilitate the transition of an individual or social object from one social stratum to another. This includes, for example, a career advancement, a significant improvement in well-being, or a transition to a higher social stratum, to another level of power.

Society can raise the status of some individuals and lower the status of others. And this is understandable: some individuals with talent, energy, youth, should oust from higher statuses other individuals who do not possess these qualities. Depending on this, a distinction is made between upward and downward social mobility, or social upsurge and social decline. Upward currents of professional, economic and political mobility exist in two main forms: as an individual rise, or infiltration of individuals of their lower stratum into the higher, and as the creation of new groups of individuals with the inclusion of groups in the upper stratum next to the existing groups of this stratum or instead of them. Similarly, downward mobility exists in the form of both pushing individual individuals from high social statuses to lower ones, and lowering the social statuses of an entire group. An example of the second form of downward mobility is the decline in the social status of a group of engineers, which once occupied very high positions in our society, or the decline in the status of a political party that is losing real power, according to the figurative expression of P. Sorokin, “the first case of decline resembles a man falling from a ship; the second is a ship that sank with everyone on board. ”

Infiltration mechanism in vertical mobility. In order to understand how the ascent process takes place, it is important to study how an individual individual can overcome barriers and boundaries between groups and rise up, that is, increase his social status. This desire to achieve a higher status is due to the achievement motive that each individual has to one degree or another and is associated with his need to achieve success and avoid failures in the social aspect. The actualization of this motive ultimately generates the force with which the individual strives to achieve the highest social position or to stay on the existing one and not slide down. The realization of the power of achievement depends on many reasons, in particular on the situation in society. It is useful to consider the analysis of the problems arising in the implementation of the achievement motive using the terms and ideas expressed by K. Levin in his field theory.

In order to achieve a higher status, an individual in a group with lower statuses must overcome barriers between groups or layers. An individual striving to get into a higher status group has a certain energy aimed at overcoming these barriers and spent on covering the distance between the statuses of the higher and lower groups. The energy of an individual striving for a higher status finds expression in the force F with which he tries to overcome barriers in front of a higher stratum. Successful passage of the barrier is possible only if the force with which the individual seeks to achieve a high status is greater than the repulsive force. By measuring the force with which an individual seeks to penetrate the upper layer, one can predict with a certain probability that he will get there. The probabilistic nature of infiltration is due to the fact that when assessing the process, one should take into account the constantly changing situation, which consists of many factors, including their personal relationships of individuals.

Characteristics of social mobility. To quantify the processes of mobility, indicators of the speed and intensity of social mobility are usually used. The speed of mobility is understood as "the vertical social distance or the number of strata - economic, professional or political, which an individual passes in his movement up or down over a certain period of time." For example, a certain individual, within three years after graduating from the institute and starting work in his specialty, manages to take the position of head of a department, and his colleague, who graduated from the institute with him, gets the position of a senior engineer. Obviously, the speed of mobility is higher for the first individual, since in the specified period of time he has overcome more status levels. On the other hand, if any individual, as a result of current circumstances or personal weakness, falls from a high social position to the bottom of society, then they say that he has a high rate of social mobility, but directed downward along the status hierarchy.

The intensity of mobility is understood as the number of individuals changing social positions in a vertical or horizontal direction over a certain period of time. The number of such individuals of any social community gives the absolute intensity of mobility, and their share in the total number of a given social community shows relative mobility. For example, if we take into account the number of individuals under the age of 30, divorced and transferred to other families, then we will talk about the absolute intensity of horizontal mobility in this age category. If we consider the ratio of the number of those who have moved to other families to the number of all individuals under the age of 30, then we will talk about relative social mobility in the horizontal direction.

It is often necessary to consider the process of mobility in terms of the relationship between its speed and intensity. In this case, the aggregate mobility index for a given social community is used. In this way, you can, for example, compare one society with another in order to find out in which of them or in what period mobility is higher in all indicators. Such an index can be calculated separately for the economic, professional or political field of activity.

3. Problems of social mobility.

Classes and castes. The nature of the processes of mobility in many societies and social groups is different and depends on the characteristics of the structure of the society or group. Some societies have established social structures that prevent different types social mobility, others more or less freely allow both social ups and downs. In open class societies, each of their members can rise and fall in the statuses that make up the structure, based on their own efforts and abilities. In closed class societies, each social position is prescribed to the individual from birth, and whatever efforts he undertakes, society excludes for him the attainable social upsurge or social decline.

Migration mobility in Russia: estimates and problems of analysis

Nevertheless, the available data allow us to establish fundamental differences between countries in the intensity of internal migration for the population of working age, as well as in the degree of population involvement in commuting. So, in 2005, among countries with a large territory, the highest intensity of interregional migration was in the United States - 26 per 1000 people. population. In Australia, this indicator was 17 per 1000, and in Canada - 9. For comparison, we note that in Russia the intensity of internal interregional migration was 5.7 per 1000 people. As for other countries with a smaller territory, a high level of interregional migration was observed in the UK (between 19 regions and metropolitan areas) and Japan (between prefectures), Sweden (between 21 regions) - almost 20 movements per 1000 people. population. 13-14 people participate in migrations between German states. out of a thousand. The intensity of interregional migration in 2005 was comparable to that in Russia in Spain (7.8), Czech Republic (7.3), Sweden (7.1), Italy (5.6). In Poland, Greece and Slovakia, the intensity of interregional movements was lower than in Russia. According to the calculations of S.V. Ryazantsev (2004), the migration activity of the Russian population is 5 times lower than in the United States, but the author does not disclose the calculation methodology. The lag of the Russian population in the level of mobility from the US population is also shown by the calculations of Bornhorst and Commander (2004), but the Russian level is still higher than the level of Hungary, Romania and France.

Comparisons of migration mobility with other countries have been carried out earlier. Thus, in 1980, 31.2% of the US population of those born in the country did not live in the state where they were born. In the USSR at that time, according to Zh.A. Zayonchkovskaya, comparable data were approximately 23-25% of the country's population.

RUSSIAN SPECIFICITY OF SPATIAL MOBILITY

There is no unequivocal answer to the question of how much migration mobility in Russia during the Soviet period was supported or restrained by the state. On the one hand, government-organized campaigns were constantly deployed in the country to relocate many thousands and even millions of people to areas of rapid industrial development, mainly in the east of the country. On the other hand, the state held back migration, including through the passport system and the accompanying registration.

The process of organized resettlement to areas of rapid industrial development did not always go smoothly, and even during the period of unconditional domination of the planned economy, the population mainly made self-motivated resettlements. According to A.V. Topilin, migration organized by the state reached its maximum value in the late 1940s. and accounted for 40% of all relocations. According to estimates for the late 1970s - early 1980s, the share of managed (controlled by Goskomstrud) migration in Russia was 15%.

During the years of repression in the late 1920s - early 1950s. carried out massive expulsions and deportations of hundreds of thousands of people to the regions of the North and Siberia. Many large cities in the Russian Arctic were created at the expense of virtually free exhausting labor of prisoners. The repressed, after serving their sentence, remained in the settlement in northern cities and often did not have the right to leave there.

For a long time, the state stimulated migration to the Far North and equated areas by setting allowances (coefficients) to wages and providing many benefits to the population working there (preferential retirement experience, the possibility of out-of-order purchase of durable goods, booking housing in the regions of departure, free travel to places of rest, better food supply, etc.). According to Zh.A. Zayonchkovskaya, gradually these measures led to the fact that in the Russian North and in the regions with severe natural and climatic conditions in general, an excess population was formed, its population significantly exceeded the population of regions similar in natural and climatic terms of other northern countries (for example, Canada), where there are no such large cities as in the north of Russia. Estimates of the overpopulation of the Russian North made in the early 1990s ranged from 20% to 40%. According to the calculations of A.I. Treivisha, Russia is more evenly populated than other large countries (China, USA, Canada). The average Russian, even in the European part of the country, lives in more severe climatic conditions than the average inhabitant of Sweden, where the average annual temperature is the same as in European Russia. In the northern regions of Russia, the plowed up area is higher. Analysis of per capita temperature values ​​shows that during the Soviet decades Russia became “economically colder”, while in countries with market economies, production moved to warmer regions. The average Russian lives today at an average temperature that is 1 ° C lower than in 1913.

A specific feature of the structure of the Russian territory is the distorted structure of cities. IN tsarist Russia and especially during the Soviet period, many permanent settlements in Siberia and the Far East were created where they would never have appeared in the conditions market economy... In Russia, Zipf's rule has been violated, there is a shortage of second-tier cities.

Since the 1990s. there is a degradation of the social infrastructure, the transport network, especially pronounced in the east of the country, the population of the eastern regions of the country is rapidly decreasing, primarily as a result of migration to the west. Some studies have demonstrated a high potential for migration mobility of the population of the Russian North: for example, a survey of people living in four northern regions in 1998 showed that the scale of potential migration is very large, more than 50% of the population were ready to move, and these intentions are gradually being implemented.

With regard to curbing migration through the system of passportization and registration, this process is described in detail in the works of historians and demographers of the early 1990s. ... In the works of domestic researchers of migration in an earlier period, this problem was practically not studied for objective reasons, only administrative restrictions on the outflow of population from rural areas and restrictions on the growth of large cities were mentioned.

However, these measures have met with limited success. For example, unsuccessful attempts to curb the growth of Moscow's population have been made since the late 1920s. ... The authorities tried to restrict the construction of large industrial enterprises in Moscow, attempts were made to create satellite cities (for example, Zelenograd). In 1959, the General Plan of Moscow intended to limit its population to 5 million people, but it was not possible to restrain the growth of the city's population even in the era of the triumph of the planned economy and the rigid administrative-command system.

Despite numerous declarations, the Moscow authorities are still unable to cope with migration to Moscow. Moscow and the Moscow region in 2001-2005 accumulated 85% of net migration to the Central District, in 2007 - 73%. And that's just data statistical accounting... Time and pendulum migration should be added to these. In 1985, the number of commuting migrants was estimated at 1 million. ... Estimates of the number of commuting migrants in the early 2000s reach 3 million people. , however, this figure is somewhat overestimated.

There were also measures of economic containment of migration. So, in the rural areas of the Russian Non-Black Earth Region in the 1980s. permanent employees of state farms and other state enterprises were given wage increments for continuous work experience.

MOBILITY DYNAMICS

In Russia during the twentieth century. Migration mobility of the population grew: from 1926 to 1979 it more than doubled, reflecting the high rates of urbanization, an increase in the level of education of the population. The share of the population living in places of permanent residence for less than two years, which was 3.5% in 1926, 5.8% in 1970, reached 7.7% by 1979. A very large scale of migration was recorded in certain years of the country's massive industrialization: so, since 1935, the number of arrivals to the cities amounted to 13.7 million people, slightly less these figures were also in the years preceding this.

In the following decades, the migration activity of the population began to decline at a fairly rapid pace. (fig. 1). However, at the same time, serious changes took place in the system of statistical registration of migrants, both international and domestic, which complicates the analysis of data for a long time and makes them hardly comparable. In particular, the system of accounting for educational migration collapsed. Modern migration statistics are already significantly different even from the data collection systems in other countries of the former USSR.

Figure 1. The number of arrivals (all migration), Russia, thousand people.

Sources: Population of Russia for 100 years (1897-1997): Stat. Sat. / Goskomstat of Russia. - M., 1998; The size and migration of the population of Russia, 1998-2008.

Thus, the level of spatial mobility of the population of Russia in the post-Soviet period has decreased by about half - to the level that took place in Russia before the First World War.

A decrease in spatial mobility was also recorded by the last Russian census, conducted in 2002. The share of people who never moved - local natives, by 2002 increased strongly - to 55.8% against 49.3% in 1989 and 46.1% in 1979 (fig. 2). Now people living without a break in their places of birth noticeably predominate in the population of the country, and this trend can be traced in both the urban and rural population, but it is especially pronounced among the urban population.

Figure 2. Population living in the place of residence from birth and not from birth,%

* - Those who did not indicate the time of residence (in 2002 - 1.4%) are proportionally distributed.
Source: Population of Russia - 2005. 13th annual demographic report / Otv. ed. A.G. Vishnevsky; State University - Higher School economy. - M .: Publishing house GU-Higher School of Economics, 2007. P. 213. Calculations Zh.A. Zayonchkovskaya.

It is known that the 2002 census corrected estimates of the scale of international migration to Russia for 1990-2002, adding 1.8 million additional international migrants. However, according to its results, it is necessary to make certain adjustments to the scale of internal migration. After all, the population of almost 70 regions in terms of numbers did not reach the calculated indicators, while the population of Moscow, the Moscow region, a number of regions in the south of the country significantly exceeded the estimate according to the current accounting data. Recall that in the intercensal period, there was a widespread underestimation of arrivals by external migration, therefore, the scale of internal redistribution of the population should have been even more significant. The census made it possible to take into account a part of “quasi-temporary” (in the words of VM Moiseenko) migrants.

In 2004, the Center for Demography and Human Ecology of the Institute of Economic Forecasting of the Russian Academy of Sciences, commissioned by Rosstat, estimated the number of arrivals and departures in Russia and separately for each region in 1990-2002. Correction for arrivals due to external migration is easily calculated based on the adjusted data on migration growth in 1990-2002, all other underreported arrivals are internal migration.

If we compare these estimates with the data of the current population census (fig. 3), It becomes obvious that the underestimation of internal migration took place all these years, but since about 1995 its scale in relation to the recorded scale of migration has become more significant. Our estimates show that by 2002, underreported internal migration was approximately 30%. The underestimated by statistics, the departure of the population from the regions of Eastern Siberia and the Far East to the European part of Russia could approximately reach 1 million people.

Figure 3. The number of arrivals by internal migration, thousand people.

Source: Estimates of TsDECh INP RAS, 2004; The size and migration of the population of Russia, 2003-2005.

If we take these estimates into account, the decline in the scale of internal migration in the 1990s. was somewhat smoother: they decreased not by 50%, but by 40% - from 4.9 million in 1990 to 2.9 million in 2002.However, these calculations, based on trends in registered migration, also show a continuing until that time, the decline in the scale of internal displacement.

The results of the population census reveal the scale of unrecorded youth migration attracted by regional centers. According to our calculations, during the intercensal period (1989-2002), the population of a number of regional centers aged 15-24 increased due to migration from other cities and districts of these regions by 20-25%; accordingly, the same number of young people are missing in villages, small and medium-sized cities. Official statistics generally do not take this migration into account or take it into account with a large time lag.

CHANGE OF FORMS OF MIGRATION AND THE ROLE OF UNREACHING

Many researchers admit that since the late 1990s. shift migration permanent place residence, is supplanted by temporary forms of spatial mobility. This is evidenced by the widespread internal labor migration in the post-perestroika period. In terms of scale, it resembles the “otkhodniki” widespread in Russia at the end of the 19th - first third of the 20th centuries. Its scale reached 5-6 million people. in year .

According to estimates based on household surveys in 7 Russian cities conducted in 2002, the size of temporary labor migration in Russia is approximately 3 million people, which is comparable to labor immigration to Russia from the CIS countries. These data are lower than the estimates of the monitoring of the economy and health (RLMS), according to the data of the round of the survey at the end of 2005, the share of households with labor migrants was 8%, which is, respectively, about 4.2 million households. However, they are higher than according to the National Survey of Household Welfare and Participation in Social Programs (NOBUS), according to which the share of outbound workers is about 1.3% of households. There are studies in which the number of labor and commercial migrants is estimated in the range of 4.5-5.8 million people. ... The attempts made by a group of experts in 2006 to draw the attention of the Rosstat management to the problem of assessing the scale of temporary labor migration by expanding the questionnaire of regularly conducted surveys of the population on employment issues and obtaining representative microdata data for Russia and its regions did not yield any results.

The fact that temporary labor migration associated with a weekly rhythm (people work in neighboring regions, returning home only on weekends) is especially widespread in the regions of Central Russia, the World Bank experts wrote back in 2001. The underestimation of temporary migration seriously impoverishes the analysis of the extent of spatial mobility. For example, in China, the size of the "flowing population" (floating population) reaches 80 million people. compared with 20 million people. "Registered migrants" ".

According to a recent Russian population survey, the prevalence of working abroad (excluding commuting and rotational work) is 4.4%: so many respondents indicated that over the past two years they or their family members have traveled to other countries to earn money. settlements, including 1.7% of the respondents indicated that such trips are made constantly. For at least 2/3 of the respondents, field work is the main and / or only occupation.

According to research in Lipetsk, in the early 1990s. only 3.7% of the respondents went to work. In the year of the survey, 5.2% of the respondents were going to go to work, and only 1.1% of the respondents said that they would definitely go to work in other regions.

Evaluation problem real scale temporary labor migration, and, consequently, general migration mobility in Russia is based on whole line grounds.

First, Rosstat develops and publishes data only on migrants registered at the place of residence, and more recently, on migrants registered at the place of stay for a period of 1 year or more. If a person resides temporarily in another city or region or registers for a shorter period, these resettlements are not included in the statistics. A person can renew a temporary registration, for example, for a period of six months, countless times, while living outside the place of registration at the place of residence for several years in a row, and these actual relocations will not be reflected in the statistics.

Secondly, if a person arrives at the place of temporary residence (stay) in a dwelling that is not his place of residence for a period of less than 90 days, he is not at all obliged to register at the place of stay. Many labor migrants come to work for a period much shorter than 90 days (this does not mean the term of the contract, which can be arbitrarily long). At the same time, leaving, for example, once a month to the place of permanent residence, which may be in another subject of the Russian Federation, they are not required to register in the city where they work. In this case, there are usually no problems with employers. Our in-depth interviews conducted in recent research show that few employers ask their employees to register. The lack of registration is not a big problem in relations with the police. It is enough for a person with a Slavic appearance to show a ticket with the date of arrival.

The scale of unreported internal migration, whether temporary, long-term or permanent, can be quite large. For example, in Astana (Kazakhstan) in July 2000, “in order to ensure compliance by legal entities and individuals with the“ Rules for documenting and registering the population of the Republic of Kazakhstan ”, an action“ I am a resident of the capital ”was held, during which 153.5 thousand people (this is almost a third of the city's population) living in the capital from February 25, 1999 to August 31, 2000 without registration with the internal affairs bodies. Most of them were not illegal immigrants from other countries, but people from other regions and cities of the country. Of course, the case with the new capital of Kazakhstan is atypical, the city is being built and developed at an accelerated pace, for the Russian capital this is a long past stage. But this example shows what latent migration can be in relation to the "visible" flow, which amounted to several thousand per year. But the scale of migration to Moscow is also impressive: according to the Federal Migration Service in Moscow, in 2007 in the capital the number of persons registered at the place of stay (i.e. permanently registered in other regions of the country) amounted to 1,227,000; migration registration of foreign citizens 1712 thousand

Temporary migrants - Russian citizens and foreigners - clearly gravitate towards large cities. This is shown by our studies in Russian regions: the Orenburg and Nizhny Novgorod regions in 2002, in the Irkutsk and Kaliningrad regions in 2007, in the Krasnoyarsk Territory in 2008. These migration flows do not fall into the statistics that Rosstat regularly publishes, but with it can be found at the FMS.

Thirdly, internal labor migration has many types and forms, and it is very difficult to draw a clear line between them.

As shown by the data from the survey of the migration mobility of the population of large cities at the end of 2005, among the respondents who themselves or members of their families have had a job in the past two years, a little more than a quarter went to work in other settlements within their "own" constituent entity of the Federation, 57.2% went to other regions. At the same time, very many went to Moscow or the Moscow region. Outside of Russia, 16.3% of migrants had temporary work, and it is a great honor of them in the countries of traditional foreign countries.

The main spheres of employment abroad: trade and intermediary activity - 22%, construction - 36%, employment in industry - 11%. 1-4% of the respondents worked as agricultural workers, security personnel, city transport drivers and nannies.

Work away in 40% of cases took less than a month, more than a year only 11% of respondents worked. Most often, short-term employment in the field was indicated by those employed in trade and intermediary activities; among those employed in construction or industry, a significant proportion of those who have worked for a sufficiently long time.

Temporary labor migration contributes to the formation of migration intentions, i.e. in the long term leads to migration, already associated with a change of permanent residence. Respondents who had a job on the road are more likely to move to another locality in the future: such intentions were expressed by 41% of those who travel constantly, 22% of those who leave sometimes, and only 11% of those who do not go to work. For this purpose, 7.1% of those who permanently work abroad took concrete steps against 1.3% of those who do not leave to work; were going to move, but did not take concrete steps for this - 12.5% ​​versus 2.9%; sometimes they thought about it - 21.4% versus 5.7%.

Previous migration activity affects potential migration activity and the formation of migration intentions in the future. As the data of the survey “Migration mobility of the population of Russia” showed, the respondents who changed their place of permanent residence in the past also have higher migration attitudes for the future, with the maximum migration intentions of those who moved 3-4 times (Fig. 4) .

Figure 4. The share of those with migration intentions, depending on their previous migration experience

Source: survey data “Migration mobility of the population of Russia.

Working on the road is a good way to prepare your move (people often move where they have previously visited for a while). Thus, according to a survey conducted by the Center for Migration Research in 2004, among the reasons that prompted the respondents to choose this particular settlement for residence, 15% indicated that they themselves or relatives had previously worked here. In rank, this reason is second only to moving to relatives. A potential migrant has the opportunity to prepare his move: integrate into the labor market, find suitable housing for a family, etc.

The influence of the previous migration experience on potential migration activity is also confirmed by the data of other researchers.

We believe that migration to a permanent place of residence and temporary migration are closely related. Since the late 1990s. a decrease in the scale of migration for permanent residence is accompanied by an increase in temporary, unrecorded migration statistics. Despite the "vestiges" of the past, registration (now registration for permanent residence) is already becoming unnecessary for many Russians. It is not necessary to have permanent housing in the city where you work - an apartment or a place in a hostel. For those living in the rented space, registration for permanent residence is impossible, no matter how long the person settles in.

At the same time, both migration to permanent residence and temporary forms of mobility have very similar directions. First of all, migration to permanent residence gradually "grows" out of temporary migration, and this is confirmed by our research. Especially in post-Soviet Russia, when there is practically no migration organized by the state. Migration for permanent residence is actually the end long period, during which a person lived in a particular locality temporarily.

CHALLENGES AND LIMITS OF MOBILITY CONTROL

Low migration mobility of the population aggravates the demographic situation in Russia, does not contribute to the interests of a market economy, prevents a fuller use of the labor force, and ultimately preserves poverty. Economists argue that Russian unemployment is largely structural in nature: a labor shortage in some regions and industries is combined with a surplus in others. Low migration activity of the population, as well as existing “mobility barriers” in the country, impede the solution of this problem. According to research data, the rate of regional structural unemployment has doubled in the last decade: from 22% in 1992 to 40% in the 2000s. ...

In modern Russia, in contrast to the USSR with its administrative-planned economy, there is practically no policy in the field of internal migration. The fundamental document, the Concept of regulating migration processes in the Russian Federation, contains a sufficient number of provisions that determine the state's vision of the problems of managing internal migration:

in the field of optimizing internal migration processes and promoting the efficient use of labor resources:

• solving problems of employment of the population and achieving a balance between the use of domestic labor resources and the attraction of foreign workers;
• ensuring proportionate development of the housing and labor markets to stimulate labor migration;
• development of mechanisms to stimulate the territorial redistribution of the economically active population to ensure the balance of regional labor markets;
• determination of promising or not recommended territories and settlements for the resettlement of migrants;
• development of measures to create new and preserve existing jobs, as well as basic living conditions for the population in areas with a high outflow of the population and a critical state of the labor market;
• governmental support migrants from unpromising settlements;
• development of interbudgetary relations, formation of the federal budget, budgets of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation and municipalities on the basis of taking into account the state of the labor market in certain regions of the country;
• the use of a rotational system for the formation of labor resources, the use of rotational method in regions with severe natural and climatic conditions;
• optimization of internal migration based on forecasts of the socio-economic development of the Russian Federation and the General Scheme of Settlement on the Territory of the Russian Federation;

in the field of creating conditions for the preservation and further formation of the population in the northern, eastern and border regions of the Russian Federation:

• restoration of the economic activity of organizations located in the Far North, Siberia and the Far East by attracting labor from other regions of the country;
• stimulating the migration of the population of the Russian Federation, as well as citizens of the member states of the Commonwealth of Independent States and the Baltic States to the northern and eastern regions of the country and regulation of immigration to the border regions of the Russian Federation;
• pursuing an active economic and urban planning policy in these regions, including the development and implementation of investment programs, the development of social, transport and market infrastructure.

As practice shows, these measures are declarative, practically nothing is being done to implement them.

There are also other documents demonstrating the authorities' concern over internal migration problems. So, in the Concept of the demographic development of the city of Moscow, in particular, it says: “Central Russia is emptying: the population of the federal district of the same name without Moscow and the Moscow region has decreased by 1.5 million people,<...>with this orientation of demographic trends, the growth of the population of the city of Moscow due to the migration component will contribute to a further decrease in the population of the territories, including those that are geopolitically important ”. Natural in these conditions is the desire, on the one hand, to “limit” migration to certain, most attractive regions of the country, and on the other, to redirect migration flows in the “necessary” directions.

The Constitution of the Russian Federation and federal legislation of Russia do not provide for administrative restrictions for Russian citizens in choosing a place of stay and residence. For foreigners legally staying in Russia, it is not prohibited to change their place of stay. In accordance with the current legislation, the possibility of administrative measures to direct the flows of immigrants (foreign citizens) exist only until they acquire the status of permanent residents in Russia (residence permit) or citizenship of the Russian Federation.

In addition, the state is also limited in measures of economic stimulation of migration in the "necessary" directions, especially since there is no clarity about where it is necessary to direct migration flows (and most importantly, where to get it) in the context of a widespread lack of population.

Internal displacements of the population should be carried out in those directions and on such a scale that correspond to socio-economic realities. The process of shaping the conditions affecting these processes mainly lies outside the remit of migration policy. The existing realities are such that both internal migrants and immigrants tend to regions with a higher standard of living, with good opportunities for employment and self-realization. The most attractive for them are large and large cities that have formed job niches. Paradoxical as it may seem, the more immigrants arrive in large cities and occupy traditional niches of migrant labor there, the slower Russian villages and small towns will empty out. On a national scale, this will mean that the free resettlement of immigrants in the cities of European Russia will prevent the rapid outflow of the population from the regions of the eastern part of the country, this is also shown by the forecast calculations developed by the CDEC INP RAS and the Institute of Demography of the State University - Higher School of Economics.

Impossible in modern Russia are the measures of migration policy aimed at "reversing" the existing directions of migration, at a serious change in the settlement system in the country. Opinion polls convincingly show the reluctance of the population of the western regions to go east. The settlement system is very stable and inertial, and attempts to break it will lead nowhere. It is also wrong to pursue a policy of artificially curbing migration from rural areas to cities, as well as a policy of artificially curbing urban growth.

The reversal of migration flows, an attempt to re-settle the eastern regions of the country is explained by the need to reduce the “demographic imbalance” with neighboring China. But even in a short time, doubling the population there, we will reduce the demographic imbalance from 1: 30 to 1: 15. And to equal the population density with North China, it will take about 500 million people. ...

Formation of the population of the eastern regions of the country in the late XIX - early XX centuries. was carried out in a completely different demographic situation (population growth by 2-3.5% per year), the problem of peasant land shortages and the associated surplus population in a number of provinces of the European part of the country. At present, there is no surplus population anywhere in Russia, with the possible exception of a number of republics of the North Caucasus (and this surplus is the result of the constantly lagging economic development of the region). In addition to the fact that the state has neither administrative nor economic capabilities to manage the processes of internal migration, it lacks the necessary human resources that could be controlled.

Since the mid-2000s. in a number of constituent entities of the Russian Federation, in macroregions (at the level of federal districts), concepts and strategies of socio-economic development for the long term are being developed. Many of them aim at attracting people from other regions of the country, as well as curbing the migration of “their own” population, including young people. On the one hand, the regional authorities demonstrate their interest in the problems of preserving the population and labor resources, on the other hand, the documents being developed do not provide any leverage for this.

Thus, an analysis of statistics and publications on the migration activity of the Russian population shows that the scale of mobility based on official statistics is small, but this does not take into account the various forms of temporary mobility that is not associated with a change of permanent residence in the Russian sense. All this greatly complicates (if not makes it impossible) to assess the scale of mobility in an intercountry context.

Ph.D., Leading Researcher, Institute of Demography, State University - Higher School of Economics.
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